tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-41808212043550646292024-03-14T21:34:19.220-07:00Punishment and SocietyThe Official Blog of the Law and Society Association's CRN 27 Punishment and SocietyUnknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger115125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-6067963929039698252024-03-14T20:35:00.000-07:002024-03-14T20:35:09.857-07:00Members' Publications: March 2024 Edition<i> As compiled by Dr. Kaitlyn Quinn</i><div><br /></div><div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in; text-align: center;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">LAW AND SOCIETY ASSOCIATION<o:p></o:p></span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Collaborative Research Network: Punishment and Society<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Organizers:<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Ashley Rubin, University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, USA<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Natalie Pifer, University of Rhode Island<o:p></o:p></span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"> </span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">March 2024<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"> </span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">ARTICLES<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Annison, Harry, Lol Burke, Nicola Carr, Mathew Millings, Gwen Robinson, and Eleanor Surridge. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “Making Good? A Study of How Senior Penal Policy Makers Narrate Policy Reversal.” <i>The British Journal of Criminology</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/bjc/advance-article/doi/10.1093/bjc/azad054/7334304" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, open access]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This paper provides insights into the predominant styles of political reasoning in England and Wales that inform penal policy reform. It does so in relation to a particular development that constitutes a dramatic, perhaps even unique, wholesale reversal of a previously introduced market-based criminal justice delivery model. This is the ‘unification’ of probation services in England and Wales, which unwound the consequential privatization reforms introduced less than a decade earlier. This paper draws on in-depth interviews with senior policy makers to present a narrative reconstruction of the unification of probation services in England and Wales. Analogies with desistance literature are drawn upon in order to encapsulate the tensions posed for policy makers as they sought to enact this penal policy reform.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Brangan, Louise. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2024. “States of Denial: Magdalene Laundries in twentieth-century Ireland.” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/14624745231218470" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, open access]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">On the first day at a Magdalene Laundry, women and girls who had been sent there had their hair cut off, their names replaced, and their possessions taken. In the days and weeks that followed, everything else was stripped from them. How do we make sense of this carceral regime? The new conceived wisdom is to describe Magdalene Laundries as places of containment and confinement, as tantamount to prisons. This paper suggests that Magdalene Laundries were far worse than the prison. I argue that rather than discuss Magdalene Laundries as sites of confinement, we should instead understand them as sites of erasure. That is because the pains of this form of detention were drawn not from the loss of liberty, but the loss of self. The article is based on 33 oral history interviews with women who survived Magdalene Laundries and archival research regarding the nuns and religious, who ran these institutions. We also learn that Magdalene Laundries were important social institutions that open a window onto Irish life in the twentieth century. Magdalene Laundries operated with an undiluted formula that all Irish citizens were expected to subscribe to: a culture of conformity that prided obedience, self-denial and moral purity.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Brayne, Sarah, Sarah Lageson, and Karen Levy. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “Surveillance Deputies: When Ordinary People Surveil for the State.” <i>Law & Society Review</i> 57(4): 462-488. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/lasr.12681" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, open access]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The state has long relied on ordinary civilians to do surveillance work, but recent advances in networked technologies are expanding mechanisms for surveillance and social control. In this article, we analyze the phenomenon in which private individuals conduct surveillance on behalf of the state, often using private sector technologies to do so. We develop the concept of surveillance deputies to describe when ordinary people, rather than state actors, use their labor and economic resources to engage in such activity. Although surveillance deputies themselves are not new, their participation in everyday surveillance deputy work has rapidly increased under unique economic and technological conditions of our digital age. Drawing upon contemporary empirical examples, we hypothesize four conditions that contribute to surveillance deputization and strengthen its effects: (1) when interests between the state and civilians converge; (2) when law institutionalizes surveillance deputization or fails to clarify its boundaries; (3) when technological offerings expand personal surveillance capabilities; and (4) when unequal groups use surveillance to gain power or leverage resistance. In developing these hypotheses, we bridge research in law and society, sociology, surveillance studies, and science and technology studies and suggest avenues for future empirical investigation.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Coldsmith, Jeremiah and Ross Kleinstuber. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “Fighting Crime or Needless Time? Disentangling the Reciprocal Effects of Life Without Parole and Violent Crime Using Structural Equation Models.” <i>Studies in Law, Politics, and Society </i>89: 109-142. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/S1059-433720230000089006/full/html" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">In recent decades, the use of capital punishment has declined, but in its place, a ‘new death penalty’ has arisen: life without parole (LWOP), which is being used far more frequently and for more crimes than capital punishment ever was. Yet, LWOP has received far less scholarly attention than the death penalty. Because of its greater scale, assessing the effects of LWOP on crime has important policy implications and is a better test of extreme penalties. Existing studies of LWOP focus on humanitarian issues and ignore its potentially reciprocal relationship with crime. Therefore, we use available LWOP data to fill these gaps in the literature, using models specifically designed to control for potential reciprocal effects. The results indicate there is no reciprocal causation between LWOP and violent crime and, at best, LWOP’s impact on crime is small, temporary, and, most importantly, no greater than the impact of life with parole.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Crewe, Ben. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2024. “‘Sedative Coping’, Contextual Maturity and Institutionalization Among Prisoners Serving Life Sentences in England and Wales.” <i>The British Journal of Criminology</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/bjc/advance-article/doi/10.1093/bjc/azae001/7585780" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, open access]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Based on a longitudinal study of life-sentenced prisoners in England and Wales, this article seeks to make sense of what it characterizes as ‘sedative coping’. In doing so, it brings together analytic conclusions from the existing research literature that appear highly inconsistent, but which indicate the centrality of emotion in the experience of serving a long prison sentence. Specifically, it highlights the forms of emotion management and suppression involved in coping with the trauma of such circumstances, and the post-release impact of sustained forms of emotional self-preservation. This focus helps us better understand the connection between ‘mature coping’ in custody and the post-release difficulties that life-sentenced prisoners often describe.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Gacek, James, Jennifer Turner, Bastien Quirion, and Rosemary Ricciardelli. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. Mettre en lumière la lumière: L'éclairage carcéral, le travail correctionnel et le bien-être. [Translation: Shining a Light on Lighting: Prison Lighting, Correctional Officer Workspace and Well-being] <i>Revue Criminologie</i> 56(2): 67-92. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.erudit.org/fr/revues/crimino/2023-v56-n2-crimino08911/1107598ar/" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, open access]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">In this article, we analyze the experience and concerns of Canadian federal correctional officers (COs) regarding their work environment. Drawing on prison geography, and recognizing the importance of the links between architecture, physical arrangements and the lived experience of space, we studied the effect of light (or its absence) on the work environment and the well-being of ACs. The participants whose comments are reported in this article (n = 60) were recruited as part of a large longitudinal study (Ricciardelli et al., 2021). After noting that limited access to natural light is often justified by safety considerations, we first analyzed the impact of this absence of natural light on the work experience and on health and the well-being of the ACs. We then examined alternative measures to address safety issues by using excessive light sources. These two aspects allow us to recognize the existence of a lighting problem specific to the prison environment. Although access to natural light is strictly controlled, we nevertheless note that light constitutes, by nature, a particularly difficult aspect to regulate in a prison environment. The results of this study make it possible to highlight the problems linked to the diffusion of light in the prison space and to underline the perverse effects of the prison environment on the conditions of care. We conclude this article by setting out recommendations concerning lighting arrangements and improving the conditions in which COs and prisoners find themselves.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Gibson-Light, Michael. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “The Ghosts Inside: The Historic Struggle to Reclassify Prison Labor, 1967–1979.” <i>The Prison Journal</i> 103(4): 489-512. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/00328855231188430?journalCode=tpjd" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The 1970s saw incarcerated laborers engage in an unprecedented battle to secure recognition, rights, and protections. This article traces the rise of the Prisoners Union, the largest and most prominent organization of its sort, as it endeavored to elevate the standing of captive labor. Through qualitative analysis of archival materials, this work unpacks penal laborers’ classification struggles aimed at advancing status in the penal field and rejoining the ranks of the working class. Investigating this movement's successes and failures enhances empirical knowledge of prison organizing as well as theoretical understandings of classification struggles, and helps contextualize historic penological developments.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Jiang, Jize and Apei Song. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2024. “Strong Control and Weak Service: Enforcing Drug Treatment in China.” <i>Journal of Drug Issues</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00220426241231710" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The proliferation of drug treatment services, crafted under harm reduction and evidence-based principles, is touted as a benevolent approach for drug offenders, foregrounding their rehabilitation and reintegration into the community, and embodying the ideal of penal welfare. Despite extant studies on the functional effectiveness on recidivism among drug offenders, little research has situated the operational significance of drug treatment programs within a broader project of the Chinese state’s efforts to govern a rapidly modernizing society. To bridge this gap, this study examines the implementation of drug treatment in the Chinese justice system by unravelling the processes and logics that assemble strong control and weak service in practice. The analysis suggests that Chinese drug treatment programs both reflect and reinforce the state-centric logic of the Chinese approach to social governance, functioning to enhance the state’s legitimacy and strengthen its capacity for social control. We contend that when state interests and political ideologies are prioritized over drug offenders’ recovery, concerns and needs of drug offenders are downplayed and the rehabilitative effectiveness of those programs is diminished. Future research and policy implications for ameliorating drug treatment programs are also addressed.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Lageson, Sarah. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “Criminally Bad Data: Inaccurate Criminal Records, Data Brokers, and Algorithmic Injustice.” <i>University of Illinois Law Review</i>: 1771-1810 [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://illinoislawreview.org/print/vol-2023-no-5/criminally-bad-data/" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, open access]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This Article considers a widely overlooked consequence of having a criminal record in the digital age: the spread of inaccurate or outdated criminal record information. Remarkably common, errors in criminal record data quickly multiply across digital platforms and are nearly impossible for people to manage. Error can begin in governmental sources and spread into the private sector or can be introduced by data aggregators as information across jurisdictions and agencies is compiled into databases and web content. For the subject of the record, error can pose enormous obstacles to securing employment and housing, particularly as automated decision-making and algorithmic governance transform traditional institutional processes. Yet, those who are harmed have very few rights regarding the ability to identify and remedy data error.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Part I of the Article introduces the issue of data error in criminal background checks and describes the scope of the problem. Parts II and III describe how and why criminal record data occurs and detail the specific harms through several theoretical lenses: data error as a due process and equal protection harm, as an informational privacy harm, and as a reputational harm. Part IV analyzes legal obstacles that limit remedies, with a particular focus on the practical obscurity doctrine, the Fair Credit Reporting Act, standing, and various legal immunities available to governments and the private sector. The analysis shows how regulating criminal record data has failed in a digital environment and how existing law fails to protect people from unfounded and illegal discrimination on the basis of inaccurate criminal record information. Part V argues that bad data should be conceptualized under broader critiques of racialized, algorithmic injustice and offers solutions for better regulating and using criminal records.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">McNeill, Fergus. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “Rehabilitation, Recognition and Misrecognition.” <i>Kriminologia</i> 3(2): 109-120. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://kriminologia.journal.fi/article/view/138656" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, open access]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The paper is a lightly edited transcript of McNeill’s plenary address at the Finnish Society of Criminology (Suomen Kriminologinen Yhdistys ry) Conference, which took place at the University of Eastern Finland in Joensuu on 3-4th November 2022. It explores whether and under what circumstances rehabilitation might be seen as a form of violence reduction or, conversely, as a form of state-imposed symbolic violence.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Melossi, Dario. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “Bonifica Umana: The Psychoanalysis of Human Reclamation.” <i>The Journal of Architecture</i>. OnlineFirst [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/K3QWDYWG5FSYQTNSHJRF/full?target=10.1080/13602365.2023.2284377" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, open access]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The concept of land reclamation has often been associated with a metaphorical meaning that extends it to the reclamation of human beings, i.e. in Italian, bonifica umana. This short essay departs from a famous statement by Sigmund Freud who, inspired by a well-known Dutch case, likened the work of psychoanalysis to that of reclaiming land from the sea. The essay then goes on to discuss the policies of reclaiming land under Fascism in Italy in the 1930s, the work of bonifica. Such work was soon called a process of bonifica integrale and finally of bonifica umana, with which it was intended as a proper programme of ‘human reclamation’, based on the eugenic ideas of medical scientist and researcher Nicola Pende as well as in the new Code of Criminal Law inaugurated by the regime in 1930. In other words, in the same way in which, according to Freud, the rational agency of the ego is supposed to emerge, with the help of psychoanalysis, from the chaos of the id, so too the programme of comprehensive and human reclamation was supposed to develop a new rational fascist society and humanity from the pre-existing ‘deadly marshes’, which would metaphorically represent the chaos of social and human life before the establishment of the new fascist regime. Finally, this essay considers the question of whether such views are inherent to the general direction of Western rationalism or are historically confined to Fascism.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Melossi, Dario. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “Servitude for a Time: From the Permanent Slavery of the Unfree to the Slavery Pro Tempore of the Free.” <i>Punishment and Society</i> 25(5): 1207-1232. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/eprint/TETJZDDTA7TRKCVCTKER/full" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, open access]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">I consider the forms of control, which went “untreated” by 1970s “revisionist” penality literature (in other words, I wonder whether the categories of human beings who are (mostly) not found in prisons have something in common). I take as starting point that the “temporary slavery” which is the punishment of imprisonment, emerged historically as related to the “free” condition of those punished. Forms of control instead for the “unfree” are not to be included in “(penal) imprisonment” and could be understood as “domestic” forms of control expressed, originally, in the idea of “Pater Familias.” This form of control is not punishment but is a permanent condition deemed appropriate for given categories of human beings, such as “children,” “women,” “slaves,” and what I call “the mad and other non-persons.” I first examine how imprisonment (as punishment) emerged, after the end of servitude in Europe, as a sort of “memory of slavery,” to enforce a principle of subordination dedicated to “the free.” Then, I look at the mechanisms of social control for those who are not socially perceived as “free.” Finally, I attempt at sketching the process of expansion of mechanisms of subordination—for the free and the unfree—beyond European borders.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Philips, Miray and Joachim J. Savelsberg.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. “Social Fields, Journalism, and Collective Memory: Reporting on the Armenian Genocide in Legal, Political, and Commemorative Field Events.” <i>Memory Studies</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/17506980231170354" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Conflictual processes unfolding in legal and political social fields as well as commemorative events differentially shape social memories, including memories about genocides, in line with their rules of the game and institutional logics. News media subsequently process mnemonic struggles—carried out in law, politics, and commemorations—submitting them to the rules and norms of journalism before their messages reach the public. This article explores these processes for struggles pertaining to memories of the Armenian genocide. It is based on a quantitative and qualitative analysis of 259 English language newspaper articles published in the United States that report about a court case, a legislative process, and commemorative events. Our analysis identifies distinct patterns of representations. Differences are in line with the institutional logics of the legal and political fields and the epistemic potential of commemorative rituals, even as they interact with the logic of the journalistic field that mediates those accounts.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Ravid, Itay and Hadar Dancig-Rosenberg. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “Virtual Criminal Law Dualism.” <i>University of Illinois Law Review</i>: 1453-1472. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4579180" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, open access]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Since the start of the new millennium, technological and societal changes have initiated a transition from physical to virtual spaces. This far-reaching phenomenon has extended to the law and legal institutions, including the criminal law domain. This essay coins the term “virtual criminal law dualism” to describe the dynamic relationship between the virtual and physical spaces in the criminal law sphere. We contend that the transition to virtual spaces has manifested in two distinct aspects. The first relates to formal doctrinal, procedural, and institutional changes that the mainstream criminal law and procedure have undergone due to the emergence of virtual spaces and technological developments (“changes from within”). The second relates to the transformation of criminal law and procedure that occurs under the influence of activities taking place in virtual platforms (“changes from the outside”). By exploring the simultaneous developments stemming from the transition to virtual spaces, we analyze the meaning of these developments, discuss their implications, and offer future directions regarding their potential expansion. We argue that the interplay between virtual and physical spaces is normatively neither encouraged nor discouraged in and of itself. Its value relies on the overarching objectives of the criminal legal system and its capacity to further those objectives.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Ravid, Itay and Rotem Dror. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023.</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">“140 Characters of Justice? The Promise and Perils of Using Social Media to Reveal Lay Punishment Perspectives.” <i>University of Illinois Law Review</i>: 1473-1532. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4538737" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, open access]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">For centuries, penal theorists have debated two key criminal justice questions: justifying state punishment power and determining proper punishment levels. Moral philosophers offered several theories to address these questions. Over time, calls emerged to move beyond theories and to consider community views on punishment rationales in criminal law and policy design, an approach that gained support alongside meaningful critique. Concurrently, social science advancements enabled empirically deepening understanding of public attitudes about punishment, largely through surveys and experiments.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">One domain, however, remained untouched by those calling to assess lay intuitions of justice: social media. Such oversight is puzzling in light of social media’s potential to reveal public perceptions without scientific intervention. This Article thus engages with two main questions. First, a methodological question: whether social media discourse can be used to reflect laypeople’s attitudes about criminal culpability and punishment, and second, a normative question: should it be used for these purposes?<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">To answer these questions, the Article first synthesizes current scholarship about the promises and challenges of using social media data to study human behavior and applies it to the context of punishment justifications. The Article moves beyond theory, however, and utilizes recent technological developments in the field of Artificial Intelligence (“AI”) and Law and Natural Language Processing (“NLP”) to offer a novel empirical exploration of the potential promise of social media discourse in assessing community views on justice and punishment.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">While our findings offer some support for the potentiality of using social media to assess laypeople’s attitudes regarding punishment, we also expose the complex challenges of utilizing such data, particularly for penal law and policy design. First, due to a host of methodological challenges, and second, due to normative challenges, particularly social media’s polarizing nature and the ambiguity around who’s voice is amplified through these platforms. The Article thus urges caution when leveraging social media to evaluate the public’s perceptions of justice.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Savelsberg, Joachim J. and Brooke B. Chambers.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. “Darfur Model, Rwanda, and the ICTR: John Hagan’s Sociology of Genocide Continued.” <i>Law & Social Inquiry</i> 48(4): 1232-1250. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/law-and-social-inquiry/article/darfur-model-rwanda-and-the-ictr-john-hagans-sociology-of-genocide-continued/CF8F28BB1B950C60F981354BEEF2C5A2" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, open access]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Core contributions from John Hagan’s scholarship on genocide are at stake in this article. First, this article examines, for the Rwandan genocide, the applicability of Hagan and Wenona Rymond-Richmond’s multi-level causal model of genocide, developed in Darfur and the Crime of Genocide. Asking how causal factors and processes highlighted in that model play out in scholarship on the Rwandan genocide, it moves toward answering the question of external validity versus historical specificity. Second, the article examines, again with a focus on Rwanda, the relationship between social scientific explanation and judicial thought. While it highlights—in line with the first author’s previous work—how judicial narratives address or select out core factors highlighted in the Darfur model, the article focuses—in line with Hagan’s Justice in the Balkans—on the question of what knowledge social science can nevertheless gain from court proceedings. An analysis of a sample of cases processed by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda identifies overlaps with social science analyses, but it also highlights distinctions.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Soto, Michael and Joachim J. Savelsberg. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “Collective Memories and Community Interventions: Peace Building in Northern Ireland.” <i>Studies in Social Justice</i> 17(3): 360-383. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.library.brocku.ca/index.php/SSJ/issue/view/240" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, open access]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This paper examines the role of community interventions in post-conflict settings. The focus is on peacebuilding through the shaping of collective memories, achieved through the transformation of social ties. By addressing community interventions, this paper opens the black box between interventions by formal institutions (such as peace treaties, trials, or truth commissions) and outcomes. It is based on a study of one specific cross-community initiative in Belfast, Northern Ireland, which – in 2012 – employed a Transitional Justice Grassroots Toolkit. Document analysis is complemented by interviews with participants and organizers to reveal the role of pedagogical practices, mediated by cohort effects, in facilitating cultural transformation through group interactions. This paper suggests how community interventions can change collective memories, cultural trauma, and related identities of the conflict, away from their polarized and polarizing forms, and it explores implications for future peace and social justice.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Super, Gail. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2024. “Porous Penality and the Myth of Liberal Punishment: Lessons from South Africa.” <i>The British Journal of Criminology</i> 64(1): 107-123. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/bjc/article-abstract/64/1/107/7187081" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Drawing on Walter Benjamin, this paper discusses the relationships between law, violence, and punishment. The main argument I make is that state punishment is BOTH a violent and logically contradictory practice and that the state’s legal right to punish often spills over into extralegal penal violence, perpetrated by a range of actors against the racialized poor. I use the term penal violence to refer to all forms of violence which are aimed at enforcing law or punishing a perceived transgression of law or norms. The paper focuses on the infliction of penal violence in South Africa on/in three different scales and jurisdictions: Makwanyane and violence in prisons; police and prosecutorial violence; and extralegal civilian violence.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Thomas, Christopher. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2024. “Racial Reckoning Protests, the Capitol Insurrection, and Asymmetric Social Facts: A Mixed-Methods Study of Public Opinion.” <i>Journal of Experimental Criminology</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11292-023-09607-4" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This mixed-methods explanatory study combines national digital survey experiments and structural topic modeling of open-ended questions to examine whether news images from George Floyd protests and the Capitol insurrection affected feelings about the police differentially depending on respondents’ primary news environment. Survey experiments were conducted on 990 respondents in June 2020 and 1,174 respondents in January 2021, at the heights of the events. The study found that respondents who get their news primarily from conservative sources had substantially warmer feelings about the police after seeing Floyd protest images but not after seeing Capitol insurrection images. Topic modeling and qualitative analysis suggest this group distinctively perceived Floyd protesters as “looters” and “rioters,” discussing the Floyd protests but not the insurrection in terms of racialized chaos and anxiety. Findings suggest asymmetric affective dynamics driven by the racialized anxiety of consumers of mainly conservative news when seeing images of racial justice protests.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Tomczak, Philippa, Kaitlyn Quinn, Catherine Traynor, and Lucy Wainwright. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023.</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">(Re)constructing Prisoner Death Investigations: A Case Study of Suicide Investigations from England and Wales. <i>Law & Social Inquiry</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/law-and-social-inquiry/article/reconstructing-prisoner-death-investigations-a-case-study-of-suicide-investigations-from-england-and-wales/8082F2C5B7425D546982CF1F9393880D" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, open access]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Because states must rebut the presumption of responsibility, all prisoner deaths must be investigated. These investigations frequently illustrate the tip of an iceberg of rights abuses and systemic hazards but have largely escaped analysis in prison-monitoring scholarship. Focusing on suicides, we assemble some of the first evidence illustrating how the staff of the Prisons and Probation Ombudsman, who investigate prisoner deaths in England and Wales, seek to prevent further deaths. Ombudsman investigations are widely regarded as ineffective, yet there are competing constructions regarding why this is and what could be done to improve outcomes. As a result of organizational norms and constraints, ombudsman staff have offered narrow accounts of prisoner suicides, focusing on the failure of frontline staff to comply with prison policies. By contrast, prison staff and coroners have focused on systemic hazards or “accidents waiting to happen,” including imprisoning people with severe mental illness, illegal drugs, unsafe facilities, and inadequate staffing. These differing constructions lock penal actors into an unproductive cycle of blame shifting that contributes to high suicide numbers. We reconceptualize prisoner deaths as occurring at the intersection of systemic hazards, organizational contexts, and individual errors. We hope that this reconceptualization facilitates broader investigations that are more likely to prevent prisoner deaths.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Turner, Jennifer, Rosemary Ricciardelli, and James Gacek.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. “The ‘Pains of Employment’? Connecting Air and Sound Quality to Correctional Officer Experiences of Health and Wellness in Prison Space.” <i>The Prison Journal</i>103(5): 610-632. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00328855231200635?icid=int.sj-abstract.citing-articles.1#:~:text=This%20article%20highlights%20Canadian%20federal,calls%20to%20improve%20prison%20space." style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This article highlights Canadian federal correctional officers’ (COs) sensory engagements with their workplace to reveal how, in particular, air quality and sound quality generate physical feelings that create health and wellness concerns. These “pains of employment” support calls to improve prison space. However, these sensations conflate with perceptions of space, which infer that prisoners, not infrastructure, create poor environments. Such perceptions seemingly influence COs’ approaches to prisoner management. Accordingly, the physical quality of prison air and sound not only shapes CO constructions of health and wellness, but also has the potential to influence how they discharge their role.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"> </span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS</span></u></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Liao, Wenjie and Joachim J. Savelsberg.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. “Law.” Pp. 595-608 in <i>Handbuch zur sozialwissenschaftlichen Gedächtnisforschung</i>, edited by Mathias Berek, Kristina Chmelar, Oliver Dimbath, Hanna Haag, Michael Heinlein, Nina Leonhard, Valentin Rauer, and Gerd Sebald. Springer. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://link.springer.com/referenceworkentry/10.1007/978-3-658-26593-9_49-1" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This chapter provides a critical review of literature on the intersection of law and collective memory. It synthesizes common themes, identifies gaps, and suggests future directions. Existing research reveals a dialectical relationship where law and collective memories are mutually constitutive. Future research should investigate how global, national and local contexts mediate this relationship, and how the law-memory nexus manifests itself at the micro-level of legal consciousness.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Maier, Katharina, Rosemary Ricciardelli, and Fergus McNeill. Eds.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. <i>Punishment, Probation and Parole: Mapping out ‘Mass Supervision’ in International Contexts</i>. Emerald. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://books.emeraldinsight.com/page/detail/punishment-probation-and-parole/?k=9781837531950" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">In many countries, community-based penalties such as probation, electronic monitoring and parole are the most common sanctions used in the punishment of criminalized individuals. Despite the widespread use of community-based penalties, these forms of penalization or punishment remain a less studied feature of punishment research today.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Punishment, Probation and Parole maps this lacuna in knowledge and scholarship while charting a path to fill it. Bringing together a series of key conceptual papers by leading scholars, the chapters explore the various dimensions and forms of community-based penalties as they are constructed and experienced in different times and places, producing different socio-penal effects. Addressing pressing debates and emerging concepts, this much-needed collection serves to chart directions for future researchers to explore in the field of community-based penalties.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Rubio Arnal, Alejandro and</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Fergus McNeill.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. “Exploring Social Re/habilitation and Developing a New Conceptualisation of Re/integration” in <i>Social Rehabilitation and Criminal Justice</i>, edited by Federica Coppola and Adriano Martufi. Routledge. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003196891-20/exploring-social-re-habilitation-developing-new-conceptualisation-re-integration-alejandro-rubio-arnal-fergus-mcneill" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">One of us has previously argued that the personal, legal, social and moral aspects of re/habilitation are often inter-dependent. More generally, theory and research on desistance, resettlement, rehabilitation, reentry and re/integration all refer to the salience of social reaction for life after punishment. In this chapter, relying on findings from a recent participative study of men’s post-prison re/integration in Glasgow, we further develop understandings of the importance of social reaction in processes of rehabilitation and re/integration. We do so primarily by exploring two specific and contrasting local examples of social reaction to returning prisoners in Glasgow, Scotland. The first concerns the stigmatising, degrading and inefficient process of seeking support from a Community Homeless Service. The second concerns the re/integrative, empowering and supportive process of entering, becoming part of and contributing to a community called ‘A Place to Change’. Our exploration of these two contrasting examples reveals how the ways in which these services engage with punished people is shaped by and affects other domains of their re/integration, such as the material, the judicial-legal, the personal, the civic-political and the moral. From this analysis, we develop and propose a six-form model of re/integration that supports but extends current models, highlighting the interactive and temporal character of this phenomenon.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Savelsberg. Joachim J.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. “Media and Transitional Justice.” In <i>The Oxford Handbook of Transitional Justice</i>, edited by Lawrence Douglas, Alexander Hinton, and Jens Meierhenrich. Oxford University Press. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/51233/chapter-abstract/426516839?redirectedFrom=fulltext" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Using a field theory approach, this chapter explores journalism’s work for, against, and as transitional justice (TJ). Seeking to spread delegitimizing representations of atrocities and repression, TJ institutions depend on media communication. Journalism’s objectivity rule aids TJ institutions, but the juridification of journalistic products may lead to a literal and uncritical transmission of TJ narratives, buying into the institutional logic and other constraints of TJ justice mechanisms. Other features of the media field work against TJ. They include market orientation and the resulting striving for attention-grabbing stories; constraining features of journalistic genres, limiting depth and contributing to a flattening of accounts; tensions between journalistic and judicial habitus; cognitive and spatial disconnects between journalists and TJ institutions; and national filters that impede the transmission of global TJ scripts to national and local levels. When authoritarian regimes follow periods of mass violence, regimes are likely to instrumentalize (politicize) media reporting. Finally, the media may work as TJ when they engage in public shaming of those deemed guilty and reawaken collective memories of past abuses. They may even (re-)ignite interventions by formal TJ institutions. Finally, in all three scenarios of the media for, against, and as TJ, informal social contexts, communities, and opinion leaders filter media messages before they settle in the minds of recipients: a three-step flow of communication.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">PUBLIC SCHOLARSHIP<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Brangan, Louise. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “New ‘Healing’ Prison in Ireland Points to Long History of Progressive Penal Reform.” <i>The Conversation</i>. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://theconversation.com/new-healing-prison-in-ireland-points-to-long-history-of-progressive-penal-reform-208260" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Is there only one kind of progressive prison? In the 1970s, the Irish Prison Division thought the prison was the problem, not the prisoners.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Lageson, Sarah and Rob Stewart.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. “Faulty background checks are violating privacy and ruining lives.” <i>The Hill</i>. September 28. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://thehill.com/opinion/technology/4227081-faulty-background-checks-are-violating-privacy-and-ruining-lives/" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-92057075010650540852023-10-09T13:08:00.004-07:002023-10-09T13:08:42.116-07:00Members' Publications: October 2023 Edition<p> <i>As compiled by Dr. Kaitlyn Quinn</i></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in; text-align: center;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">LAW AND SOCIETY ASSOCIATION<o:p></o:p></span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Collaborative Research Network: Punishment and Society<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Organizers:<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Ashley Rubin, University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, USA<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Natalie Pifer, University of Rhode Island<o:p></o:p></span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"> </span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">October 2023<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">ARTICLES<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Ben-Natan, Smadar</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “The Boundaries of the Carceral State: Accounting for the Role of Military Incarceration.” <i>Theoretical Criminology</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/13624806231163109" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This article extends the study of carceral expansion—currently encompassing criminal, civil, and immigration enforcement—by examining the role of military (and, within that, extraterritorial) incarceration. Drawing on the case of military incarceration of civilians in Israel/Palestine, which since 1967 has accounted for between one-third and one-half of the entire prisoner population, it demonstrates the consolidation of a single carceral apparatus that normalizes military detention and incorporates non-citizens detained in extraterritorial locations. Involving both institutional and spatial dimensions, the article illuminates how the boundaries of the carceral state are relatively independent of formal sovereign borders, legal categories, and institutional arrangements, identifying the military as a carceral state agency. The study thus suggests a framework for an integrated study that accounts for the actual scope of the carceral state and its paradoxical modes of exclusionary inclusion.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Burkhardt, Brett C., Mark Edwards, Scott Akins, and Christopher T. Stout.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. “Understanding Public Preferences for Policing Homeless Individuals in the United States: Results from a National Survey.” <i>Deviant Behavior</i>44(10): 1462-1479. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01639625.2023.2209692" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The United States has a large and growing homeless population. In the name of public order, municipalities across the country have criminalized behaviors associated with homeless people in public spaces (e.g. panhandling) and tasked police with responding to violations. What should police do in these encounters? This study reports on a nationwide survey experiment that asked US residents whether police should arrest, help, or ignore a homeless individual in several hypothetical scenarios. We estimate (1) aggregate preferences for police response, (2) the association between respondent demographics and individual preferences, and (3) the effect of experimentally manipulated identity – gender and background – of a homeless person on preferences. Results reveal that a helping response from police is generally preferred to arresting or ignoring. An arrest response received greater support from people who perceived homelessness to be a problem locally, as well as men and Republicans. The identity of the homeless individual had little effect on preferred police responses. With respect to public and policy debates about homelessness, these results suggest that there is relatively little public appetite for a heavy-handed police response, though this may not hold in areas where many people perceive homelessness to be a source of problems.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Corda, Alessandro</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “Collateral Consequences and Criminal Justice Reform: Successes and Challenges.” <i>Crime and Justice</i> 52. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/725720" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Collateral consequences of criminal convictions such as occupational restrictions, ineligibility for welfare benefits, and disenfranchisement from voting have drastic and long-lasting effects. They hinder successful reintegration into society of people with criminal records and undermine efforts to reduce recidivism. In recent years, awareness that they are counterproductive and often undermine public safety has increased. There is growing recognition of their detrimental effects on individuals, families, communities, and the economy. Non- and bipartisan efforts are underway to change these laws and policies, mostly at the state level, but many changes so far have been limited in ambition and scope. More, bolder, and more comprehensive changes are needed. Reforms should not only reduce the sheer number of collateral restrictions and eliminate or mitigate their adverse effects but also incorporate awareness of their existence and knowledge of their effects into the day-to-day operations of the criminal justice system.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Corda, Alessandro</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “Reshaping Goals and Values in Times of Penal Transition: The Dynamics of Penal Change in the Collateral Consequences Reform Space.” <i>Law & Social Inquiry. </i>OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/law-and-social-inquiry/article/reshaping-goals-and-values-in-times-of-penal-transition-the-dynamics-of-penal-change-in-the-collateral-consequences-reform-space/7F19332F30B915F66BC2B4FD89ACDA63" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Over the past decade, reform efforts in the area of collateral consequences of conviction have succeeded in emancipating themselves from standard discourses and dynamics in the US criminal legal reform space. This article draws on concepts and insights from the literature on penal transformation to explore the unique interplay of goals and values that have led to recent collateral consequences reforms. It identifies three major drivers of change that have had a significant impact, particularly, on softening occupational licensing restrictions for individuals with a criminal history and passing criminal record clearance legislation. First, advocates of the economic libertarian agenda joined forces with civil libertarian groups to reduce occupational licensing hurdles for criminal record holders. Second, an attitude promoting redemption and second chances through criminal record clearance reform has been championed, in particular, by the Christian right. Third, economic concerns by employers seeking to hire individuals with a criminal record have become more pronounced in tight labor markets, both pre- and post-pandemic. The analysis concludes that, although much remains to be done, ongoing reforms represent a significant reshaping of the collateral consequences landscape. A logic of unworthiness toward individuals with criminal records, however, remains hard to eradicate and can easily resurface in the current unstable phase of penal transition.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Corda, Alessandro, Marti Rovira, and Andrew Henley</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “Collateral Consequences of Criminal Records from the Other Side of the Pond: How Exceptional is American Penal Exceptionalism?” <i>Criminology & Criminal Justice</i>23(4): 528-548. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/17488958231161437" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">In this article, we highlight the existence and expansion of so-called ‘collateral consequences’ (CCs) of criminal records in Europe to challenge the prevalent view that these are features of the claimed ‘American exceptionalism’ within the penal field. First, we consider how CCs have been widely presented as a quintessential example of American penal exceptionalism within extant scholarship before problematising the adoption of such a framework from a European perspective. Second, we demystify the issue of CCs within Europe by highlighting the deleterious effects which CCs have on the lives of European people with a criminal record. Third, we consider precisely what can be regarded as ‘exceptional’ about CCs in the United States as compared to Europe by analysing key areas of possible differentiation. We conclude by cautioning against the view that European penality is necessarily – and always homogeneously and consistently – ‘progressive’ in relation to its treatment of criminal records and criminal record subjects. We also suggest that far greater attention and vigilance is required from criminologists and criminal justice scholars regarding the expansion and operation of CCs in Europe.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Corda, Alessandro, Marti Rovira, and Elina van 't Zand-Kurtovic</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “Collateral Consequences of Criminal Records from a Cross-National Perspective: An Introduction.” <i>Criminology & Criminal Justice</i> 23(4): 519-527. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/17488958231174109" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Hanan, M. Eve and Lydia Nussbaum</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “Community Accountability.” <i>Hastings Women’s Law Journal</i> 34(2): 5-34. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://repository.uclawsf.edu/hwlj/vol34/iss2/4/" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">“Community accountability” is a phrase commonly used by transformative and restorative justice practitioners. Yet the meaning of both “community” and “accountability” are far from stable and clear. This Essay offers some preliminary thoughts on the contextual nature of “community accountability” based on the authors’ ongoing research into the ways in which transformative and restorative justice advocates conceptualize and implement alternatives to legalism and punishment. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The ambiguity inherent to words like “community” and “accountability” offers a way to disengage from society’s existing, broken systems and opens the door to generating new norms. Indeed, we see these words as poised to be imbued with fresh meaning derived from the ethical, epistemic, and practical work of groups exploring or offering alternatives to criminal and juvenile legal systems. Yet, ambiguity and instability in language can be dangerous. One danger is that new terms like “accountability” may obscure the fact that nothing substantial has changed. New principles and practices could replicate objectionable practices in criminal and juvenile systems. Another danger is that when an ambiguous term like “community” becomes a heuristic device, its use enables value-based assumptions based on romantic or nostalgic notions that communitarianism is an inherent good and that “community” is a font of moral authority.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Jouet, Mugambi</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. Forthcoming. “A History of Post-Roe America and Canada: From Intertwined Abortion Battles to American Exceptionalism.” <i>Michigan Journal of Gender & Law</i>. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4430602" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This Article explores why abortion is being recriminalized in the United States in sharp contrast to the historical evolution of reproductive rights. Its thesis is that abortion exemplifies American exceptionalism in the original sense of the phrase that America is an “exception,” especially within the Western world. Yet the Article demonstrates that American exceptionalism should not be misunderstood as historical determinism or cultural essentialism. By the early 1970s, America was converging with peer Western democracies in liberalizing abortion. This process of convergence was ultimately impeded by the growing polarization of modern America. The United States’ persistent battles over abortion became increasingly peculiar as the rest of the Western world came to widely accept or tolerate a woman’s right to terminate a pregnancy.<br /><br />This evolution is brought to light through an in-depth comparative history of America and Canada, neighboring nations whose abortion histories have been intertwined in intriguing and overlooked ways. When the U.S. Supreme Court decided Roe v. Wade in 1973, it heartened Canadian reformers who repeatedly cited Roe as a model to follow. The Supreme Court of Canada would not decriminalize abortion before 1988 in its landmark Morgentaler decision—fifteen years after Roe. This history, documented with original English- and French-language sources, reveals as much about America as about Canada. If both countries had seemingly converged in liberalizing abortion, the outcome of their landmark court decisions would markedly differ. In Canada, the anti-abortion movement gradually collapsed in the decades following Morgentaler, as in much of the West. In America, by contrast, the pro-choice movement was on the retreat as anti-abortion forces gained ground.<br /><br />When the U.S. Supreme Court overruled Roe in its 2022 Dobbs decision, it not only exacerbated polarization within American society, but also the divide between America and the Western world. If abortion is not usually thought of as an issue of criminal law in modern times, it is once again within the sphere of criminal liability in parts of America. A multidisciplinary perspective will reveal how the United States’ distinctive legal, sociopolitical, and religious landscape has shaped an enduring battle over abortion reflecting wider features of American exceptionalism.</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Jouet, Mugambi</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. Forthcoming. “Humanity, Race, and Indigeneity in Criminal Sentencing: Social Change in America, Canada, Europe, Australia, and New Zealand.” <i>NYU Review of Law & Social Change</i>. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4562748" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The role of systemic racism in criminal justice is a growing matter of debate in modern Western democracies. The United States’ situation has garnered the most attention given the salience of its racial issues and the disproportionate attention that American society garners around the world. This has obscured major developments in Canadian society with great relevance to increasingly diverse Western democracies where minorities are highly over-incarcerated. In recent years, the landmark Anderson and Morris decisions recognized that the systemic racism that Black people face in Canada should be considered as mitigation at sentencing. These historic cases partly stem from the recognition of social-context evidence as mitigation for Indigenous defendants under a groundbreaking 1996 legislative reform that remains little known outside Canada’s borders. While Australia and New Zealand have also recognized certain mitigation principles for Indigenous defendants, Canada is arguably the country that is now making the most concerted effort to tackle systemic racism in criminal punishment.<br /><br />Conversely, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected this approach in McCleskey v. Kemp, an influential 1987 precedent holding that statistical proof of systemic racism in sentencing is essentially irrelevant. The situation might someday change in America, as suggested by the Washington State Supreme Court’s 2018 abolition of the death penalty in State v. Gregory, which deviated from McCleskey in accepting evidence of systemic racism. However, Gregory was only decided under state law and it is too early to tell whether more American states will inch toward the developments occurring in Canada.<br /><br />These ongoing shifts should be situated in a wider historical context, as they do not merely reflect modern debates about systemic racism or Canada-specific matters. This Article captures how they are the next step in the long-term, incremental evolution of criminal punishment in the Western world since the Enlightenment. For generations, the principles of individualization and proportionality have enabled judges to assess mitigation by considering a defendant’s social circumstances. Considering evidence of systemic racism or social inequality as mitigation at sentencing is a logical extension of these principles. The age-old aspiration toward humanity in criminal justice may prove a stepping stone toward tackling the over-incarceration of minorities in modern Western democracies.</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Jouet, Mugambi</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “Death Penalty Abolitionism from the Enlightenment to Modernity.” <i>American Journal of Comparative Law</i> 71: 46-97. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/ajcl/article/71/1/46/7226647" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The modern movement to abolish the death penalty in the United States stresses that this punishment cannot be applied fairly and effectively. The movement does not emphasize that killing prisoners is inhumane per se. Its focus is almost exclusively on administrative, procedural, and utilitarian issues, such as recurrent exonerations of innocents, incorrigible racial discrimination, endemic arbitrariness, lack of deterrent value, and spiraling financial costs. By comparison, modern European law recognizes any execution as an inherent violation of human rights rooted in dignity. This humanistic approach is often assumed to be “European” in nature and foreign to America, where distinct sensibilities lead people to concentrate on practical problems surrounding executions. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This Article demonstrates that, in reality, the significant transatlantic divergence on abolitionism is a relatively recent development. By the late eighteenth century, abolitionists in Europe and America recurrently denounced the inhumanity of executions in language foreshadowing modern human rights norms. Drawing on sources overlooked by scholars, including the views of past American and French abolitionists, the Article shows that reformers previously converged in employing a polyvalent rhetoric blending humanistic and practical objections to executions. It was not until the 1970s and 1980s that a major divergence materialized. As America faced an increasingly punitive social climate leading to the death penalty’s resurgence and the rise of mass incarceration, abolitionists largely abandoned humanistic claims in favor of practical ones. Meanwhile, the opposite generally occurred as abolitionism triumphed in Europe. These findings call into question the notion that framing the death penalty as a human rights abuse marks recent shifts in Western Europe or international law. While human rights have indeed become the official basis for abolition in modern Europe, past generations of European and U.S. abolitionists defended similar moral and political convictions. These humanistic norms reflect a long-term evolution traceable to the Renaissance and Enlightenment. But for diverse social transformations, America may have kept converging with Europe in gradually adopting humanistic norms of punishment.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Jouet, Mugambi</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “Guns, Mass Incarceration, and Bipartisan Reform: Beyond Vicious Circle and Social Polarization.” <i>Arizona State Law Journal</i> 55: 239-89. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4255881" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Gun violence in modern America persists in the face of irreconcilable views on gun control and the right to bear arms. Yet one area of agreement between Democrats and Republicans has received insufficient attention: punitiveness as a means of gun control. The United States has gravitated toward a peculiar social model combining extremely loose regulations on guns and extremely harsh penalties on gun crime. If someone possesses a gun illegally or carries one when committing another crime, such as burglary or drug dealing, draconian mandatory minimums can apply. These circumstances exemplify root causes of mass incarceration: overreliance on prisons in reaction to social problems and unforgiving punishments for those labeled as “violent” criminals. Contrary to widespread misconceptions, mass incarceration does not primarily stem from locking up petty, nonviolent offenders caught in the “War on Drugs.” Most prisoners are serving time for violent offenses. Steep sentence enhancements for crimes involving guns illustrate how American justice revolves around counterproductive, costly practices that disproportionately impact minorities.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This multidisciplinary Article envisions future reforms with the capacity to transcend America’s bitter polarization. A precondition to change is not for conservatives and liberals to wholeheartedly agree on issues like systemic racism or the right to bear arms. Rather, possibilities for penal reform are likelier when each side can come to the negotiating table for its own reasons. A paradigm shift in conservative America may prove especially indispensable, as Republicans tend to be more supportive of harsh punishments and Democrats are unlikely to achieve reform nationwide on party-line votes. This shift has already occurred to an extent given the rise of penal reform in red states. But both conservatives and liberals have failed to significantly reduce mass incarceration by recurrently excluding “violent” offenders from reform initiatives.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The Article explores how conservatives and liberals could gradually converge toward sentencing reform on gun crime. This could ultimately have a ripple effect on American sentencing norms, leading them closer to those of Western democracies with more effective and humane penal systems. Such bipartisanship is less elusive than it might seem. A rehabilitative approach toward gun crime fits with the evolution of American conservatism, which believes that guns should not be vilified since they are part of the nation’s identity. Similarly, the rehabilitation of people convicted of gun crime is consistent with cornerstones of modern American liberalism, namely stricter gun control and opposition to mass incarceration as an unjust, racist system. As opposite sides will probably retain much of their worldview even if their perspectives evolve to a degree, new ways of thinking could help bring reformers together. These social transformations cannot be predicted but should be theorized.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Jouet, Mugambi</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “The Abolition and Retention of Life Without Parole in Europe: A Comparative and Historical Perspective.” <i>European Convention on Human Rights Law Review</i>. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://brill.com/view/journals/eclr/aop/article-10.1163-26663236-bja10072/article-10.1163-26663236-bja10072.xml" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Life without parole is increasingly recognised as another death penalty in dooming prisoners to die behind bars. On the tenth anniversary of the ECtHR’s landmark Vinter decision, abolitionism and retentionism characterise its state in Europe. In abolishing irreducible life sentences, Vinter crystallised a long-term evolution in prisoners’ rights since the Enlightenment. Meanwhile, enduring animosity towards prisoners has led to their rights repeatedly becoming the stage for wider debates concerning the legitimacy of European institutions. The United Kingdom’s threats to leave the ECtHR notably enabled it to exempt itself from Vinter. Still, the European project retains numerous supporters, which helps explain why the abolition of life without parole is making progress in continental Europe, as compared to the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Ultimately, the article demonstrates that prisoners’ rights are both a microcosm of broader questions regarding European integration and a benchmark of human dignity’s historical evolution.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Kerrison, Erin M. T. and Jordan M. Hyatt</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “COVID-19 Vaccine Refusal and Medical Distrust Held by Correctional Officers.” <i>Vaccines </i>11(7):1237-1254. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.mdpi.com/2076-393X/11/7/1237" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This study explores COVID-19 vaccine acceptance among prison security staff and the extent to which they trust varied sources of information about the vaccines. Cross-sectional survey data were obtained from a state-wide sample of corrections officers (COs, hereafter; n = 1208) in February 2021. Group differences, disaggregated by demographic characteristics, were examined using F-tests and t-tests. Despite the comparatively limited risk of contracting the virus, non-security staff reported they would accept a COVID-19 vaccine at no cost (74%), compared to their more vulnerable CO counterparts (49%). We observed vaccine refusal correlations between COs’ reported gender, age, and length of time working as a CO, but none with their self-reported race. Vaccine refusal was more prevalent among womxn officers, younger officers, and those who had spent less time working as prison security staff. Our findings also suggest that the only trusted source of information about vaccines were family members and only for officers who would refuse the vaccine; the quality of trust placed in those sources, however, was not substantially positive and did not vary greatly across CO racial groups. By highlighting characteristics of the observed gaps in COVID-19 vaccine acceptance between COs and their non-security staff coworkers, as well as between corrections officers of varied demographic backgrounds, these findings can inform the development of responsive and accepted occupational health policies for communities both inside and intrinsically linked to prisons.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Koehler, Johann and Tony Cheng</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “Settling Institutional Uncertainty: Policing Chicago and New York, 1877–1923.” <i>Criminology</i> 61(3): 518-545. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/1745-9125.12337" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">We show how both the Chicago Police Department and the New York Police Department sought to settle uncertainty about their propriety and purpose during a period when abrupt transformations destabilized urban order and called the police mandate into question. By comparing annual reports that the Chicago Police Department and the New York Police Department published from 1877 to 1923, we observe two techniques in how the police enacted that settlement: identification of the problems that the police believed themselves uniquely well equipped to manage and authorization of the powers necessary to do so. Comparison of identification and authorization yields insights into the role that these police departments played in convergent and divergent constructions of disorder and, in turn, into Progressivism's varying effects in early urban policing.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">LaChance, Daniel</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “The Death Penalty in Black and White: Execution Coverage in Two Southern Newspapers, 1877-1936.” <i>Law & Social Inquiry</i> 48(3): 999-1022. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/law-and-social-inquiry/article/death-penalty-in-black-and-white-execution-coverage-in-two-southern-newspapers-18771936/E2D20819E894ADC50198BB04DA036AA5" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">In the immediate aftermath of Reconstruction, coverage of executions in the Atlanta Constitution and the New Orleans (Times-)Picayune occasionally portrayed African Americans executed by the state as legally, politically, and spiritually similar to their white counterparts. But as radical white supremacy took hold across the South, the coverage changed. Through an analysis of 667 newspaper articles covering the executions of Black and white men in Georgia and Louisiana from 1877 to 1936, I found that as lynching became the principal form of lethal punishment in the South, accounts of Black men’s legal executions shrank in length and journalists increasingly portrayed them as ciphers, nonentities that the state was dispatching with little fanfare. In contrast, accounts of white men’s executions continued to showcase their individuality and their membership in social, political, and religious communities. A significant gap between the material reality and the cultural representation of capital punishment emerged. Legal executions in Georgia and Louisiana overwhelmingly targeted Black men. But on the pages of each state’s most prominent newspaper, the executions of white men received the most attention. As a result, capital punishment was increasingly represented as a high-status punishment that respected the “whiteness” of those who suffered it.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Lynch, Mona</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “Prosecutors as Punishers: A Case Study of Trump-Era Practices.” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/14624745231166311" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Recent punishment and society scholarship has addressed the limits of policy reforms aimed at reducing mass incarceration in the U.S. This work has focused in particular on the political dimensions of penal legal reform and policy-making, and the compromises and shortcomings in those processes. Nearly absent in this scholarship, however, has been empirical and theoretical engagement with the role of front-line prosecutors as facilitators and/or resistors to downsizing efforts. Using the case of the U.S. federal criminal legal system's modest efforts to decrease the system's racially disparate and punitive outcomes, this paper elucidates the fragile nature of such reforms by delineating the critical role that front-line prosecutors play in maintaining punitive approaches. Focusing specifically on federal prosecutorial policy and practices in the Trump era, I draw on a subset of data from an interdisciplinary, multi-methodological project set in distinct federal court jurisdictions in the U.S. to examine how front-line prosecutors were able to quickly reverse course on reform through the use of their uniquely powerful charging and plea-bargaining tools. My findings illustrate how federal prosecutors pursued more low-level defendants, and utilized statutory “hammers,” including mandatory minimums and mandatory enhancements to ensure harsh punishments in a swift return to a war-on-crime.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Lynch, Mona, Taylor Kidd, and Emily Shaw</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">.</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"> </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">2022. “The Subtle Effects of Implicit Bias Instructions.” <i>Law & Policy</i>44(1): 98-124. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/lapo.12181" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Judges are increasingly using “implicit bias” instructions in jury trials in an effort to reduce the influence of jurors' biases on judgment. In this article, we report on findings from a large-scale mock jury study that tests the impact of implicit bias instructions on judgment in a case where defendant race was varied (Black or white). Using an experimental design, we collected and analyzed quantitative and qualitative data at the individual and group levels obtained from 120 small groups who viewed a simulated federal drug conspiracy trial and then deliberated to determine a verdict. We find that while participants were sensitized to the importance of being unbiased, implicit bias instructions had no measurable impact on verdict outcomes relative to the standard instructions. Our analysis of the deliberations, however, reveals that those who heard the implicit bias instructions were more likely to discuss the issue of bias, potentially with both ameliorative and harmful effects on the defendant. Most significantly, we identified multiple instances where, in an effort to avoid bias, participants who heard the implicit bias instructions interfered with their own or other participants' appropriate assessments of witness credibility.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Lynch, Mona and Emily Shaw</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">. 2023. “Downstream Effects of Frayed Relations: Juror Race, Judgment, and Perceptions of Police.” <i>Race & Justice</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/21533687231178322" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Building on research demonstrating significant differences in how Black and White Americans view law enforcement, this study assesses how those differential views shape potential jurors’ decision-making in the context of a federal drug conspiracy case in which the primary evidence against the defendant is provided by an FBI agent and an informant cooperating with the agent. A sample of 649 Black and White jury-eligible U.S. citizens were exposed to the case, in which a Black defendant is being tried, and where the informant-witness race (Black or White) was varied. Participants determined verdict, evaluated evidence, and completed additional measures. Results indicated that Black participants were significantly less likely to convict than White participants, especially in the White informant condition; rated the law enforcement witness as less credible, and viewed police more negatively across three composite measures. Exploratory analysis of how juror race and gender interacted indicates Black women largely drove racial differences in verdicts. Perceptions of police legitimacy mediated the relationship between juror race and verdict choice. We conclude that it is critical that citizens are not prevented from being seated on juries due to skepticism about police, given the risk of disproportionate exclusion of Black potential jurors. The legal processes relevant to juror excusals need to be reconsidered to ensure that views of police, rooted in actual experience or knowledge about the problems with fair and just policing, are not used to disproportionately exclude persons of color, or to seat juries overrepresented by people who blindly trust police.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Shlafer, Rebecca J., Michelle S. Phelps, J’Mag Karbeah, and Alyssa Scott</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “Parents on Probation: Custody, Co-Residence, and Care of Minor Children During Community Supervision.” <i>Journal of Offender Rehabilitation</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10509674.2023.2246455" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Family science and public health scholars have documented the consequences of incarceration for the well-being of individuals, children, families, and communities. Yet the largest form of supervision in the criminal legal system is not imprisonment, but probation, with little known about the experiences of parents on probation. We analyzed interviews with 153 adults on probation, 68 (44%) of whom reported being parents of minor children (under 18 years). Compared to participants without minor children, parents with minor children were younger and more likely to be employed. Among parents, 42% reported having custody of one or more minor children and 20% lived with their minor children at the time of the interview. Yet, most (82%) parents reported they provided some form of care or support. Qualitative analyses of four case studies show the challenges facing parents on probation and the complex intersection of custody, living arrangements, and care and support for minor children. We find that parenthood and probation are interconnected, with parent status influencing the experience of supervision and probation impacting parenting opportunities and constraints. Findings suggest service providers working with parents on probation need to attend to these complex family dynamics.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Valdovinos Olson, Maria</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “The Promise and Practice of Care in Prisoner Reentry.” <i>Sociological Forum</i> 38(3): 752-769. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/socf.12936" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Although the provision of care is a core project of prisoner reentry, we know little about how care is conceived and practiced in this context. In particular, the period between pre-release, discharge into community corrections, and eventual release into the community is a critical juncture for ensuring important continuity of care linkages that can bolster the potential for reentry success. Nevertheless, what care means and entails in this context remains undefined. Drawing on a nationally representative sample of reentry planning, discharge/release, and community corrections policies and procedures in 45 U.S. State Departments of Correction, I examine how care is conceptualized, structured, and deployed during this transitional phase. Findings illuminate important considerations in the development of correctional policy focused on reentry and raise theoretical concerns regarding the provision of care for non-traditional and carceral care populations.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Wozniak, Kevin H., Justin T. Pickett, and Elizabeth K. Brown</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2022. “Judging Hardworking Robbers and Lazy Thieves: An Experimental Test of Act- vs. Person-Centered Punitiveness and Perceived Redeemability.” <i>Justice Quarterly</i> 39(7): 1565-1591. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/07418825.2022.2111326" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This study explores whether Americans’ punitiveness and perceptions of redeemability are shaped more by the type of crime committed or by judgements about an offender’s moral character. Guided by theories of neoliberalism, we focus on laziness as an indicator of flawed character that is independent of criminality. A sentencing vignette experiment administered to a national sample of the U.S. population tested the effects of crime type and a defendant’s employment status, work ethic, and race on respondents’ preferred punishment and perceptions of the defendant’s redeemability. Both crime type and work ethic significantly affect perceived (ir)redeemability and sentencing preferences, but the effects are not identical. Work ethic exerts the largest effect on perceived (ir)redeemability, whereas crime type most strongly influences sentencing preferences. We discuss the implications of our findings for act- vs. person-centered theories of punishment, as well as the role of laziness stigma in social responses to lawbreakers.</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS</span></u></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Alam, Mariful, Patrick Dwyer, and Katrin Roots</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. Eds. 2023. <i>Violence, Imagination, and Resistance: Socio-legal Interrogations of Power</i>. AU Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.aupress.ca/books/120313-violence-imagination-and-resistance/" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Asfari, Amin, James Gacek, and Amny Shuraydi</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2024. “Islam, Islamophobia, and the Carceral Experience.” Pp. 364-379 in Danielle Rudes, Gaylene Armstrong, Kimberly Kras, and TaLisa Carter (Eds.) <i>Handbook on Prisons and Jails</i>. Routledge. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/edit/10.4324/9781003374893/handbook-prisons-jails-danielle-rudes-gaylene-armstrong-kimberly-kras-talisa-carter" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">People in the U.S. and Canada are increasingly reconsidering their religious and spiritual identities. Incarcerated individuals are no exception. Still, the corrections populations in these countries have become more diverse in terms of religion and ethnicity. While the religious landscape in the U.S. and Canadian prison settings is vast and varied, there remains relatively little attention toward Islam and Islamophobia within these settings. This conceptual chapter endeavors to summarize what is known about Islam and Islamophobia in prison settings, while simultaneously outlining emerging areas of theoretical work that shed light on aspects of the carceral experience.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Ben-Natan, Smadar</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. Forthcoming. “The Shadow of the Death Penalty in Israel: Constructing Enemies, Citizens, and Victims.” In Ben Fleury-Steiner and Austin Sarat (Eds.) <i>Companion on Capital Punishment</i>. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/106339138/The_Shadow_of_the_Death_Penalty_in_Israel_Constructing_Enemies_Citizens_and_Victims" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Israel abolished the death penalty for criminal murder but retained it for political offenses reflecting "enemy penology": treason, terrorism, and genocide. In practice, Israel executed only the Nazi criminal Adolf Eichmann, refraining from executions even for the bloodiest terrorist attacks. Military courts handed death sentences that have all been revoked, resulting in de-facto abolition. By historically analyzing the judicial discourse in military and civilian capital cases, this chapter makes three arguments. First, enemies are constructed as a scale of multiple categories such as Nazis, traitors, and terrorists. Second, de-facto abolition maintains a shadow of the death penalty over enemy populations. This shadow laid heavier on Palestinian citizens of Israel, constructed as "citizen-enemies," carrying the double brunt of terrorism and treason. The courts created an inverted hierarchy that enhanced punishments of citizens. Third, enemy penology functions on a symbolic level that contrasts evil enemies with an a-historic self-image of victimhood.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Brown, Mark</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “Colonialism and Penality.” Pp. 380-390 in Chris Cunneen, Antje Deckert, Amanda Porter, Juan Tauri, and Robert Webb (Eds.) <i>The Routledge Handbook of Decolonizing Justice</i>. Routledge. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/oa-edit/10.4324/9781003176619-39/colonialism-penality-mark-brown?context=ubx&refId=5344531d-1113-49a9-b055-72af1f6fa89f" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This chapter focuses on the relationship between colonialism and penality. Drawing on the history of South Asia, I develop my argument by beginning first with a contrast. On the one hand, we find in mainstream accounts in supposedly ‘critical’ criminologies a startlingly simplistic presentation of colonialism as simple, pure, or unalloyed repression. Repression was undoubtedly a feature of colonial penal power, and I detail many examples of how it was the case on the Indian subcontinent. But such approaches hardly explain why colonial penal power was so durable, so effective, or why we still wrestle with it today. To understand that we need to recognize a second, larger formation: that which made colonial penal power productive. What we find, when looking critically, when we change lenses, is that penal power in India was also productive: it produced flexible spaces of plural legality and penality, highly nuanced grids of control across social spaces, and modes of plural and often tolerant penal governance. The enduring, residual, power of colonial penalities today thus arises not because colonial power was a big stick or a heavy hammer, though it often was both of those. The omnipresence and difficulty of escaping colonial penal power reflects the difficulty of escaping, of getting outside, these modalities of its productive renewal, established in colonial locations but now a universal inheritance.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Halushka, John M.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. <i>Getting the Runaround: Formerly Incarcerated Men and the Bureaucratic Barriers to Reentry</i>. University of California Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520388697/getting-the-runaround" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Getting the Runaround takes readers into the bureaucratic spaces of prisoner reentry, examining how returning citizens navigate the “institutional circuit” of parole offices, public assistance programs, rehabilitation facilities, shelters, and family courts. Drawing on three years of ethnographic fieldwork and forty-five in-depth interviews with formerly incarcerated men returning to New York City, John M. Halushka argues that the very institutions charged with facilitating the transition from incarceration to community life perversely undermine reintegration by imposing a litany of bureaucratic obstacles. This “runaround” is not merely a series of inconveniences but rather an extension of state punishment that exacerbates material poverty and diminishes citizenship rights. By telling the stories of men caught in vicious cycles of poverty, bureaucratic processing, and social control, Halushka demonstrates the urgent need to shift reentry away from an austerity-driven, compliance-based framework and toward a vision of social justice and inclusion.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Headworth, Spencer.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. <i>Rules of the Road: The Automobile and the Transformation of American Criminal Justice</i>. Stanford University Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.sup.org/books/title/?id=34413" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Driving is an unavoidable part of life in the United States. Even those who don't drive much likely know someone who does. More than just a simple method of getting from point A to point B, however, driving has been a significant influence on the United States' culture, economy, politics – and its criminal justice system. Rules of the Road tracks the history of the car alongside the history of crime and criminal justice in the United States, demonstrating how the quick and numerous developments in criminal law corresponded to the steadily rising prominence, and now established supremacy, of the automobile.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">A teaching guide including lists of key concepts/jumping-off points, ideas for in-class activities, and media resources for each chapter is available for free download under the “excerpts and more” tab on the book's SUP webpage.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Miller, Esmorie. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “‘The Alchemy of Race and Rights’: The Logic of Historicizing the Contemporary Racialized Youth and Gang Phenomenon.” Pp. 297-321 in Paul Andell and John Pitts (Eds.) <i>The Palgrave Handbook of Youth Gangs in the UK</i>. Palgrave Macmillan. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-99658-1_13" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This chapter explores statutory approaches to the contemporary, urban youth gang phenomenon as a relevant case for historicization. Indeed, within the UK, scholarship references a ‘race-gang nexus’ (Williams, 2015: 18; see also Nijjar, 2018), contending the phenomenon has been given a Black and or ethnic face (Hallsworth and Young, 2008: 185), despite knowledge that consumption of concomitant, contributory cultural artefacts like rap [and drill] music ‘include youths of all races, classes, and nationalities’ (Tatum, 1999: 341). Guided by corresponding concerns, the chapter draws from the critical race theory (CRT) tradition, particularly CRT scholar Patricia L. Williams’ influential ‘Alchemy of race and rights’ (1991: 6) logic, to historicize an account of the racialization of contemporary youth gang concerns. Williams’ thesis corresponds with the CRT (Crenshaw et al., 1995; Bell, 1992) position that racialized peoples were excluded from expanding universal rights, flowing from the enlightenment, and instituted coterminous with modernity. Williams’ thesis allows observation of statutory responses to the youth gang—particularly the gang’s racialization—as a process constituted by the contemporary reproduction of a historic race, rights paradox. According to this, expectations for a synthesis of race and rights represents an ‘Oxymoronic oddity’ (Williams, 1991: 6), signifying how young black men, in particular, suffer the suppression of rights never conferred in the first place, to racialized peoples. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Miller, Esmorie.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. “The Road from History: Gender and Race in Early Twentieth Century English Youth Penal Reform” Chapter 2 in Jade Levell, Tara Young, and Rod Earle (Eds.) <i>Exploring Urban Youth Culture Outside of the Gang Paradigm: Critical Questions of Youth, Gender and Race On-Road. </i>Bristol University Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://bristoluniversitypress.co.uk/exploring-urban-youth-culture-outside-of-the-gang-paradigm" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The analysis in this chapter draws on documentary research from the Liverpool University Archives, including the Fletcher Report (1930) and the digitized catalogue of the Eugenics Review, a populist journal spanning 1909 to 1968. While documents like the Report introduced racialized youth to Britain, as a problematic cohort, the pseudo-science promulgated in the Review supported the racial politics positioning these youth outside the redemptive scope of early penal reform efforts. Fletcher (1930: 26) concluded that ‘These families have a low standard of life, morally and economically, and there appears to be little future for the children.’ This conclusion stands counter to narratives supporting rehabilitation for White, working class youth, especially during the interwar period (Miller, 2022). In this chapter, the concept of being on ‘the road’ offers a unique lens to give gendered relevance to this history. For example, during this time, young women’s search for opportunities met with resistance at both the societal and institutional levels. In this regard, Crenshaw’s intersectional logic attends to the important intersections of race, gender, youth giving critical currency to the wider implications of this exclusion. In historicising and gendering ‘on road’ in this way, the chapter emphasizes the importance of conceptual approaches expanding the explanatory scope about racialized youth’s contemporary contested positioning, beyond the customary malignant suturing to crime and punishment.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Valdovinos Olson, Maria</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “Reentry and Public Policy Solutions: Addressing Barriers to Housing and Employment.” Pp. 64-72 in Kristen M. Budd, David C. Lane, Glenn W. Muschert, and Jason A. Smith (Eds.) <i>Beyond Bars: A Path Forward From 50 Years of Mass Incarceration in the United States</i>. Policy Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://bristoluniversitypressdigital.com/display/book/9781447370130/9781447370130.xml" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Valdovinos Olson, Maria and Karen L. Amendola</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “Adopting Community Policing Principles in Jails to Build Community and Improve Safety, Health, and Wellness Outcomes” Pp. 206-227 </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">in Danielle Rudes, Gaylene Armstrong, Kimberly Kras, and TaLisa Carter (Eds.) </span><i><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Handbook on Prisons and Jails</span></i><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. Routledge. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/edit/10.4324/9781003374893/handbook-prisons-jails-danielle-rudes-gaylene-armstrong-kimberly-kras-talisa-carter" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The community-oriented policing paradigm's emphasis on the proactive examination of community-identified problems and the development of collaborative responses to solving those problems offers an actionable framework for improving conditions of everyday living and working in confinement. In this chapter, we highlight two separate jail management strategies employed by the L.A. County Sheriff's Department (LASD) during the A.B. 109 re-alignment period under Sheriff Jim McDonnell's tenure. The first strategy entailed the implementation of a town sheriff and town hall approach to addressing the grievances of the gay male and transgender female population housed in the men's jail. The second strategy entailed the implementation of a gender-responsive advocate and liaison approach to addressing the needs of the pregnant resident population in the women's jail. We discuss the implications of these two strategies for solving problems that have implications for the safety, health, and wellness outcomes of individuals living and working within these penal settings.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Whittaker, A. and Esmorie Miller.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “The Challenge of Youth Gangs: Problems and Responses in UK and Canadian Contexts.” Pp. 133-151 in Denis Lafortune et al. (Eds.) <i>Young People in Difficulty: A Collective Challenge</i>. University of Montréal Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://les-editions-du-ciusss-du-centre-sud-de-lile-de-montreal.myshopify.com/products/les-jeunes-en-difficulte-un-defi-collectif" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">In the UK, there has been considerable controversy about whether street gangs exist. Just over ten years ago, Pitts (2007, 2008) published the first of what has become a wave of UK gang studies (Densley 2013; Deuchar 2009; Harding, 2014, McLean, 2019) that have marked a growth in interest in the nature of gangs (Andell, 2019). Early debates focused upon whether gangs were a social construction based upon media portrayals of young people, particularly young black people, in negative ways (Hallsworth, 2013; Hallsworth and Young, 2008) or whether there were a response to inner city poverty and structural disadvantage (Pitts, 2008, 2012, 2016). The analysis in this chapter utilizes Merton’s (1948) conception of the self-fulfilling prophecy, exhorting an expansion of the analytical scope regarding the understanding of the youth gang phenomenon as an evolving entity, particularly narratives framing the understanding of an evolution from expressive to instrumental gang action (Whittaker et al., 2019). It is argued that the evolution of the youth gang phenomenon in contemporary western representation and understanding exemplifies what scholars mean when they talk about a self-fulfilling prophecy (Merton, 1948)—denoting how what is fictive becomes reality.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Wozniak, Kevin H.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. <i>The Politics of Crime Prevention: Race, Public Opinion, and the Meaning of Community Safety</i>. New York University Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://nyupress.org/9781479815753/the-politics-of-crime-prevention/" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">“Defund the police.” This slogan became a rallying cry among Black Lives Matter protesters following the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis in May 2020. These three words evoke a fundamental question about America’s policy priorities: should the nation rely predominantly upon the branches of the criminal justice system to arrest, prosecute, and imprison offenders, or should the nation prioritize fixing structural causes of crime by investing more heavily in the infrastructure and institutions of disadvantaged communities? To put it simply, do Americans actually prefer punishment over crime prevention?<br /><br />The Politics of Crime Prevention examines American public opinion about crime prevention in the twenty-first century with a particular focus on how average citizens would choose to prioritize resources between the criminal justice system and community-based institutions. Kevin H. Wozniak analyzes differences of opinion across lines of race, social class, and political partisanship, and investigates whether people’s willingness to invest in communities depends upon the kind of communities that would receive money. This book moves beyond criminologists’ typical focus on public opinion about punishment that follows acts of crime to instead examine public attitudes toward crime prevention. In this brilliant and compelling study, Wozniak reveals that politicians profoundly underestimate the American public’s desire to prioritize community investment and that it is long past time to help communities thrive instead of turning to the criminal justice system to respond to every social problem.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">PUBLIC SCHOLARSHIP<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Gacek, James, Jocelyne Lemoine, Breeann Phillips, Julianne Langois, Rosemary Ricciardelli, and Dale C. Spencer</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2023. “Exploring Gender-Based Violence in Canadian Prisons: A Scoping Review.” <i>Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada: Knowledge Synthesis Grants Mobilization Forum</i>, and the <i>University of Regina Institutional Repository. </i>[Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://ourspace.uregina.ca/items/38be6c4f-5861-416b-8e35-9a898a8a9da4" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-49740182374879904072023-04-03T11:48:00.000-07:002023-04-03T11:48:32.392-07:00Members' Publications: April 2023 Edition<p><i>As compiled by Dr. Kaitlyn Quinn</i></p><p> <span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; text-align: center;">LAW AND SOCIETY ASSOCIATION</span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Collaborative Research Network: Punishment and Society<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Organizers:<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Ashley Rubin, University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, USA<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Natalie Pifer, University of Rhode Island<o:p></o:p></span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"> </span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">April 2023<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">ARTICLES<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Arriagada, Isabel</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">. 2022. “Prison, Technology, and Consumption: A Visual Study of the Use of Electronic Commerce Strategies in the Inmate Package Industry.” <i>Theoretical Criminology</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/13624806221131571" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">In recent years, the US penal system has increasingly contracted prison services and introduced electronic commerce technologies for penal populations and their social networks. This study uses visual and textual analysis of 245 images from the websites of 17 inmate package companies to explore electronic commerce strategies in US penal institutions. The inmate package industry uses electronic commerce strategies that address the distinctive conditions of penal confinement and deploys emotionally charged messages to encourage digital interactions with the penal system and elicit consumption. Several company websites also organize the experience of consumption along gender and racial lines. The emergent industry of inmate packages represents one among several contemporary practices of carceral consumption.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Black, Lynsey and Sinéad Ring.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. “Historical Gendered Institutional Violence: A Research Agenda for Criminologists.” <i>Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice</i> 39(1): 17-37. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/10439862221138669" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This article considers the phenomenon of historical gendered institutional harm, examining the widespread incarceration of women and girls in Ireland through the decades following independence in 1922. In this period, thousands of women and girls were confined in a network of sites including Magdalene Laundries and Mother and Baby Homes. The article considers the responses to this history, focusing on those fields which concern themselves with matters of “wrongdoing” and “harm,” responses grounded in law and legalism. We explore both the utility and the limits of these approaches before proposing a criminological research agenda which draws on the centrality of the state in the perpetration of gendered violence. Although Ireland has become a by-word as a case of historical institutional abuse internationally, it remains remarkably understudied by criminologists. The article explores how the Irish example can speak to the discipline of criminology by forcing us to reimagine how we conceive of gendered harms and state-perpetrated harms.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Craig, Miltonette and Daniel Sailofsky. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. “‘What Happened to Me Does Not Define Who I Am’: Narratives of Resilience in Survivor Victim Impact Statements.” <i>Victims and Offenders</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15564886.2022.2116511" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">While research shows that “ideal victims” still receive more media coverage and more favorable depictions and results in the criminal justice system, it is not clear whether this is how victims of crime want to present themselves. We code and analyze the transcripts of 21 violence against women survivor victim impact statements (VIS) from YouTube videos, to assess how survivors present their victimization. While survivors of violence discuss their pain and trauma, they also call for better services and protection for other survivors, and attempt to bring awareness about the ubiquity of violence while motivating other survivors to come forward. Survivors rarely present themselves as stereotypically defined “ideal victims,” though in some cases, they do focus on their own blamelessness and the motherly, familial relationships that have been negatively impacted by their victimization. Though ideal victim presentation may be a rational response for those seeking justice from patriarchal legal institutions, survivors resist ideal victim presentations based on stereotypical notions of femininity, demonstrating that from their perspectives, hierarchies between “deserving” and “undeserving” victims may be dissipating.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Gido, Rosemary, Derek S. Jeffreys, Cormac Behan, Kimmett Edgar, Bethany E. Schmidt, Gorazd Mesko, Mary K. Stohr, and Ashley T. Rubin. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “A Symposium to Mark the Publication, by New York University Press, of Ian O’Donnell’s Prison Life: Pain, Resistance, and Purpose.” <i>The Prison Journal</i> 103(2): 159-176. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/00328855231154500" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Recognizing the major scholarly contributions to criminology by the noted Irish criminologist, Ian O’Donnell, The Prison Journal invited seven contemporary corrections and punishment scholars to offer insights into O’Donnell’s new book, Prison Life: Pain, Resistance, and Purpose. Offering contextually rich descriptions of prisoner life, the text features four case study prisons—H Blocks, Northern Ireland; Eastham Unit, Texas; Isir Bet, Ethiopia; and ADX Florence, Colorado, in pivotal time periods and through an individual's custodial career in each institution. The symposium discussants focus on O’Donnell's conceptual framework—the degree of prison integration, system and staff regulation, and legitimacy—and how these reflect the key interactions between punishment and society across time and culture.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Goodman, Philip and Kaitlyn Quinn. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “The Palimpsest of Outdoor Penal Labour in California, 1915–2000.” <i>The Howard Journal of Crime and Justice</i> 62(1): 119-141. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/hojo.12503" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">In this article we examine the curious stability of outdoor penal labour in California in the 20th century against a shifting social and penal field. Analysing state archival data on prison highway and forestry camps between 1915 and 2000, we frame the persistence of these practices as evidence of a penal labour palimpsest. We demonstrate how the agency and interpretive innovation of penal administrators – as the architects and interpreters of this palimpsest – served as a stabilising mechanism akin to, but distinct from, existing theories of path dependence. Zooming out from the intricacies of the historical record, we position this case as revealing some of the limits of strict theories of path dependence and, instead, as offering a more dynamic understanding of the complex, intersecting and malleable ways in which history matters.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Guiney, Thomas, Ashley Rubin, and Henry Yeomans. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “Path Dependence and Criminal Justice Reform: Introducing the Special Issue.” <i>The Howard Journal of Crime and Justice</i> 62(1): 3-10. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/hojo.12520" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Jefferis, Danielle C. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">(forthcoming).</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">“Carceral Deference: Courts and Their Pro-Prison Propensities.” </span><i><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Fordham Law Review</span></i><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4381213" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Judicial deference to non-judicial state actors, as a general matter, is ubiquitous. But “carceral deference”—judicial deference to prison officials on issues concerning the legality of prison conditions—has received far less attention in legal literature, and the focus has been almost entirely on its jurisprudential legitimacy. This Article adds to the literature by contextualizing carceral deference historically, politically, and culturally. Drawing on primary and secondary historical sources, as well as trial and other court documents, this Article is an important step to bringing the origins of carceral deference out of the shadows, revealing a story of institutional wrestling for control and unbridled dominance that has not, until now, been fully told.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">That full telling is more important now than ever, as society grapples with the scope, scale, and racist impacts of American punishment. Carceral deference plays an enormous role in the constitutional ordering of state power, as well as civil law’s regulation of punishment, a force that is often neglected within the criminal law paradigm. Moreover, the Supreme Court has demonstrated a recent skepticism of judicial deference in other areas of the law, suggesting an era in which traditional notions of deference are up for reconsideration. Understanding how the foremost judicial norm in the prison law space developed gives us a foundation from which to better examine and critique the distribution of power among prisons, courts, and incarcerated people and the propriety of deference to prison officials; further informs our understanding of the systemic and structural flaws of the criminal punishment system; and adds to a growing body of literature analyzing the role of expertise in constitutional analyses across dimensions, from qualified immunity to the administrative state.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Jouet, Mugambi. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">(forthcoming). “Guns, Mass Incarceration, and Bipartisan Reform: Beyond Vicious Circle and Social Polarization.” <i>Arizona State Law Journal</i>. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4255881" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Gun violence in modern America persists in the face of irreconcilable views on gun control and the right to bear arms. Yet one area of agreement between Democrats and Republicans has received insufficient attention: punitiveness as a means of gun control. The United States has gravitated toward a peculiar social model combining extremely loose regulations on guns and extremely harsh penalties on gun crime. If someone possesses a gun illegally or carries one when committing another crime, such as burglary or drug dealing, draconian mandatory minimums can apply. These circumstances exemplify root causes of mass incarceration: overreliance on prisons in reaction to social problems and unforgiving punishments for those labeled as “violent” criminals. Contrary to widespread misconceptions, mass incarceration does not primarily stem from locking up petty, nonviolent offenders caught in the “War on Drugs.” Most prisoners are serving time for violent offenses. Steep sentence enhancements for crimes involving guns illustrate how American justice revolves around counterproductive, costly practices that disproportionately impact minorities.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This multidisciplinary Article envisions future reforms with the capacity to transcend America’s bitter polarization. A precondition to change is not for conservatives and liberals to wholeheartedly agree on issues like systemic racism or the right to bear arms. Rather, possibilities for penal reform are likelier when each side can come to the negotiating table for its own reasons. A paradigm shift in conservative America may prove especially indispensable, as Republicans tend to be more supportive of harsh punishments and Democrats are unlikely to achieve reform nationwide on party-line votes. This shift has already occurred to an extent given the rise of penal reform in red states. But both conservatives and liberals have failed to significantly reduce mass incarceration by recurrently excluding “violent” offenders from reform initiatives.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The Article explores how conservatives and liberals could gradually converge toward sentencing reform on gun crime. This could ultimately have a ripple effect on American sentencing norms, leading them closer to those of Western democracies with more effective and humane penal systems. Such bipartisanship is less elusive than it might seem. A rehabilitative approach toward gun crime fits with the evolution of American conservatism, which believes that guns should not be vilified since they are part of the nation’s identity. Similarly, the rehabilitation of people convicted of gun crime is consistent with cornerstones of modern American liberalism, namely stricter gun control and opposition to mass incarceration as an unjust, racist system. As opposite sides will probably retain much of their worldview even if their perspectives evolve to a degree, new ways of thinking could help bring reformers together. These social transformations cannot be predicted but should be theorized.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Jouet, Mugambi. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. “A Lost Chapter in Death Penalty History: Furman v. Georgia, Albert Camus, and the Normative Challenge to Capital Punishment.” <i>American Journal of Criminal Law</i> 49: 119-77. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4115872" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">] <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Overlooked historical sources call into question the standard narrative that the Supreme Court’s landmark decision in Furman v. Georgia (1972), which temporarily abolished the death penalty, reflected a challenge to its arbitrary, capricious, and discriminatory application. This Article examines materials that scholars have neglected, including the main brief in Aikens v. California, a companion case to Furman that presented the fundamental constitutional claim: the death penalty is inherently cruel and unusual.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Aikens was largely forgotten to history after it became moot, leaving Furman as the main case before the Court. The Aikens brief’s humanistic claims and rhetoric are at odds with the widespread idea that Furman was a case about administrative or procedural problems with capital punishment. This is truer of the Furman decision itself than of the way the case was litigated. Depicting any execution as “barbarity,” as an “atavistic horror,” the Aikens brief marshaled an argument that has garnered much less traction in modern America than Europe: the death penalty is an affront to human dignity. Yet the transatlantic divergence in framing abolitionism was not always as pronounced as it came to be in Furman’s aftermath. Since the Enlightenment, American and European abolitionists had long emphasized normative arguments against capital punishment, thereby revealing why they played a central role in Aikens-Furman.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Strikingly, the Aikens brief insistently quoted a European figure whose role in this seminal Supreme Court case has received no attention: Albert Camus. “Reflections on the Guillotine,” Camus’s denunciation of the death penalty’s inhumanity, is among the sources prominently featured in the Aikens-Furman briefs. The architect of this strategy was Anthony Amsterdam, a famed litigator. Subsequent generations of American abolitionists have placed less weight on humanistic objections to executions, instead stressing procedural and administrative claims. This shift has obscured how a lost chapter in death penalty history unfolded.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">These events are key to understanding the evolution of capital punishment, from its resurgence in the late twentieth century to its present decline as the number of executions nears record lows. On Furman’s fiftieth anniversary, the Article offers another window into the past as scholars anticipate a future constitutional challenge to the death penalty in one or two generations.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Jouet, Mugambi. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. “The Day Canada Said No to the Death Penalty in the United States: Innocence, Dignity, and the Evolution of Abolitionism.” <i>UBC Law Review</i> 55(2): 439-510. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3971915" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Sociolegal scholarship has explored why the United States stands alone among Western democracies in retaining capital punishment. Yet the focus on America-Europe comparisons has obscured the twentieth anniversary of a landmark Canadian decision, United States v. Burns, barring the extradition of two men wanted for capital murder in America. Intriguingly, it emulated the evolution of American abolitionism by centering on the risk of executing the innocent; and declining to recognize capital punishment as an inherent violation of human dignity as in European law. This Article situates these events in their wider historical, societal, and comparative context, which offers a stepping stone to theorize key questions regarding the evolution of prisoners’ rights.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Miscarriages of justice have always existed and have been a constitutive issue in Western civilization, from the trials of Socrates and Jesus to the birth of the English of Bill of Rights onto the French Revolution and beyond. The tendency to cast innocence as a newfound problem has a neglected underside, as it partly stems from the “tough-on-crime” movement’s rise in American society since the 1980s. As empathy toward the guilty became illegitimate, the anti-death-penalty movement gravitated toward the innocent. Given the United States’ capacity to influence foreign debates, this approach found its way into the Supreme Court of Canada’s reasoning, thereby exemplifying how social actors may be tempted to avoid the normative issues surrounding the death penalty by focusing on innocence. However, abolitionism has had a humanistic component since the Enlightenment, which spurred a larger normative evolution recognizing human dignity as a benchmark of punishment in liberal democracies. Eclipsing human dignity from the death-penalty debate may thus reflect ambivalence toward prisoners’ rights, as attitudes toward capital punishment and imprisonment are intertwined. Despite having abolished the death penalty several decades ago, Canada and European nations remain ambivalent toward protecting prisoners’ human dignity. Meanwhile, the de-legitimization of dignity in the United States helps explain why mass incarceration parallels capital punishment’s retention. Dignity is nonetheless gaining traction as a legal principle in these societies and worldwide. At this critical juncture, the Article provides a window into under-studied chapters of history by analyzing the intersection of dignity, innocence, and liberal democracy.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Maurutto, Paula, Kelly Hannah-Moffat, and Marianne Quirouette. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">(forthcoming) “Punishing the Non-Convicted Through Disclosure of Police Records.” <i>British Journal of Criminology</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">As police records expand with big data analytics, so too has the range of non-conviction information seeping into the public domain through criminal background checks. Numerous studies have documented the negative effects of background checks for those with criminal convictions, but less understood are the effects of non-conviction records. We draw on 8 focus groups and 52 interviews to understand how the release of non-conviction records are: 1) creating new institutional risk management pressures for police institutions, 2) expanding the role of employers as arbiters of risk, 3) redefining understandings of “the risky subject” to include victims, those with mental health challenges, and other innocent individuals subject to police contact, and 4) raising critical legal questions about privacy and presumptions of innocence.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Paik, Leslie and Chiara Packard. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">2023. “Broadening the Lens of Procedural Justice Beyond the Courtroom: A Case Study of Legal Financial Obligations in the Juvenile Court.” <i>Law & Social Inquiry</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/law-and-social-inquiry/article/broadening-the-lens-of-procedural-justice-beyond-the-courtroom-a-case-study-of-legal-financial-obligations-in-the-juvenile-court/1C72FAEF882973EA868C985BA468A515" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Procedural justice research has shown how people’s experiences with courtroom actors, such as judges, defense attorneys, and prosecutors, shape their views of the justice system and its legitimacy. However, less is known about how people’s experiences outside the courtroom that relate to their cases shape their views of this system. Based on forty-one interviews with twenty-one youths and twenty parents in Dane County, Wisconsin about their legal financial obligations (also known as monetary sanctions), this study broadens the focus of procedural justice to include another key aspect to people’s experiences with the law beyond the courtroom: their experiences navigating bureaucratic aspects to their youths’ cases and their interactions with non-court staff (e.g., clerks, Human Services, and community agencies), otherwise known as “auxiliary personnel” (Feeley 1979) or “street-level bureaucrats” (Lipsky 2010/1980). We focus on legal financial obligations as a case study to show this multi-agency view of procedural justice as it reveals the families’ often disjointed experiences with justice staff both inside and outside of the courtroom.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Phelps, Michelle S., H. N. Dickens, and De Andre’ T. Beadle. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">2023. “Are Supervision Violations Filling Prisons? The Role of Probation, Parole, and New Offenses in Driving Mass Incarceration.” <i>Socius</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/23780231221148631" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Advocates for reform have highlighted violations of probation and parole conditions as a key driver of mass incarceration. As a 2019 Council of State Governments report declared, supervision violations are “filling prisons and burdening budgets.” Yet few scholarly accounts estimate the precise role of technical violations in fueling prison populations during the prison boom. Using national surveys of state prison populations from 1979 to 2016, the authors document that most incarcerated persons are behind bars for new sentences. On average, just one in eight people in state prisons on any given day has been locked up for a technical violation of community supervision alone. Thus, strategies to substantially reduce prison populations must look to new criminal offenses and sentence length.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Quinn, Kaitlyn. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">2023. “Dispositions that Matter: Investigating Criminalized Women’s Resettlement through their (Trans)carceral Habitus.” <i>Criminology & Criminal Justice</i> 23(1): 20-38. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/17488958211017371" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Whether prisoner resettlement is framed in terms of public health, safety, economic prudence, recidivism, social justice, or humanitarianism, it is difficult to overstate its importance. This article investigates women’s experiences exiting prison in Canada to deepen understandings of post-carceral trajectories and their implications. It combines feminist work on transcarceration and Bourdieusian theory with qualitative research undertaken in Canada to propose the (trans)carceral habitus as a theoretical innovation. This research illuminates the continuity of criminalized women’s marginalization before and beyond their imprisonment, the embodied nature of these experiences, and the adaptive dispositions that they have demonstrated and depended on throughout their lives. In doing so, this article extends criminological work on carceral habitus which has rarely considered the experiences of women. Implications for resettlement are discussed by tracing the impact of criminalized women’s (trans)carceral habitus (i.e. distrust, skepticism, vigilance about their environments and relationships) on their willingness to access support and services offered by resettlement organizations.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Quirouette, Marianne. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">(forthcoming) “Social Triage and Exclusions in Community Services for the Criminalized.” <i>Social Problems</i>.</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This article examines perspectives and practices related to social triage and the exclusion of criminalized and marginalized individuals in community services like shelters, mental health, substance use and court supports. Based on two years of fieldwork and interviews with 105 practitioners, I analyze narratives and practices related to and working with people described as having or ‘being’ complex, high-needs and/or high-risk. I show that individual factors (ex: risk/need/responsivity) are but one type considered when practitioners make decisions about triage or service eligibility. Building from theory about the governance of ‘risk’ and ‘risky people’, I examine how organizational and systemic factors shape individualized understandings of and responses to risk. I argue that given current practices in under-resourced community supports, triage and resulting exclusions exacerbate social problems and contribute to punitive exclusions, especially for those who seek services, supports or housing but have records of sexual offence, fire setting, drug use, violence, self-harm or so-called non-compliance. Examining these dynamics bolsters claims that we should shift the responsibilizing gaze upwards to pressure institutional and state bodies who could transform the landscape for practitioners and their clients.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Rubin, Ashley T.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"> 2023. “The Promises and Pitfalls of Path Dependence for Analyzing Penal Change.” <i>Punishment & Society</i> 25(1): 264-284. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/14624745211043543?journalCode=puna" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Although the study of penal changes throughout history is central to punishment studies, the field has taken little from historical institutionalists’ theories of institutional change. One of the most relevant such theories is path dependence. This article outlines path dependence frameworks’ most fruitful elements for studying penal change. Drawing on foundational political science and historical sociology texts, as well as several punishment scholars’ works, this article highlights the advantages of thinking through stasis and change, mechanisms of inertia such as feedback effects, and exogenous shocks. While path dependence offers a powerful framework, it can also be an unsatisfying explanation at times, particularly when path dependence is itself a seemingly uphill battle, when apparent stasis hides ongoing change, or when institutions survive hypothesized mechanisms of change. This paper closes by discussing some ways in which punishment scholars can strengthen the path dependence framework by blending it with recent theoretical developments in the punishment studies field.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">van der Valk, Sophie and Mary Rogan. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “Complaining in Prison: ‘I suppose it’s a good idea but is there any point in it?’”. <i>Prison Service Journal</i> 264: 3-10. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.crimeandjustice.org.uk/sites/crimeandjustice.org.uk/files/PSJ%20264%20January%202023_0.pdf" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Recent years have seen a growth in formal complaint procedures in prisons, which are seen to be a key feature of enhancing the protection of the rights of those in prison. Prisons are places where rights can be vulnerable and complaints procedures ideally provide prisoners with access to an independent body to review complaints, which is less burdensome and costly than the costs of going to court. Such mechanisms should also help resolve lower-level complaints, which may not reach the relevant thresholds for court proceedings. Prisoners are required to rely on others for their daily needs and access to services, such as the school or facilitating family visits. Complaint systems, in theory, give prisoners a tool to voice concerns they have about their treatment and prison conditions. In the prison context, however, complaining is not always straightforward and those in prison can face significant hurdles in accessing and using complaint systems even when they are in place.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Research indicates that complaints procedures can have an impact on many aspects of life in prison. Beijersbergen and colleagues found that prisoners who felt that they were treated fairly and respectfully by correctional authorities during imprisonment were less likely to be reconvicted up to 18 months after release. Additionally, those who reported having experienced a higher level of procedural justice reported fewer mental health problems and were less likely to engage in misconduct. However, an ineffective complaint system for dealing with prisoners’ problems can have an impact on prisoners of feeling ignored and not listened to. In this respect, Crewe has reported that people in prison felt that complaints systems were sometimes used by staff as a way of deflecting prisoner complaints and pushing the burden of responding to someone else. Additionally, a US study conducted by Bierie highlighted the impact of an ineffective complaint system and how delays, as well as high levels of rejected complaints can contribute to violence in prisons, pointing to the very serious consequences of poor complaints systems. How complaints procedures work in practice therefore merits attention.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Weinreich, Spencer J.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. “Why Early Modern Mass Incarceration Matters: The Bamberg Malefizhaus, 1627–31.” <i>Journal of Social History</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/jsh/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/jsh/shac066/7017529?utm_source=advanceaccess&utm_campaign=jsh&utm_medium=email" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">In 1627, at the height of the Bamberg witch-hunt (1595–1631), the prince-bishopric erected the Malefizhaus (“witchcraft-house”), the first cellular prison purpose-built for solitary confinement. This article recovers the history of the Malefizhaus to establish the importance of imprisonment and carceral institutions to the early modern witch-craze. The prison at once concretized the ideology of the hunt and furnished a fearsome weapon of persecution, extracting the confessions without which no inquisitorial campaign could function. By reconstructing the singular architecture and internal regimen of the Malefizhaus, this article demonstrates the sophistication of early modern interrogations, a process distorted by an outsized interest in torture. Having recognized the Malefizhaus as a driver of the witch-hunt, it is possible to recognize the prison’s impact upon Bamberg’s seventeenth-century history—disrupting political and economic relationships, displacing populations, and disciplining social life. The case of the Bamberg witches’ prison counters the modernist slant of the study of the prison, proof that medieval and early modern carceral institutions shaped the history of their societies, despite smaller scales and weaker state apparatuses. In turn, the essay argues that the critical tools of carceral studies, developed to study contemporary mass incarceration, can profitably be applied to premodern practices and institutions, offering insight into patterns of violence, the development of repressive structures, and the problems of “crime” as a historical category.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS</span></u></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Craig, Miltonette and Kwan-Lamar Blount-Hill.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> (Eds.) 2022. <i>Justice and Legitimacy: Transforming the Institution</i>. Routledge. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.routledge.com/Justice-and-Legitimacy-in-Policing-Transforming-the-Institution/Craig-Blount-Hill/p/book/9781032258430" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This edited volume critically analyzes the state of American policing and evaluates proposed solutions to reform/transform the institution, such as implementing body-worn cameras, increasing diversity in police agencies, the problem of crimmigration, limiting qualified immunity, and the abolitionist movement. Each chapter is devoted to a specific area of policing that has either received criticism for the problems it may create or has been proposed to effect reform. The chapters are sequenced such that readers are introduced to a spectrum of topics to expand the discourse on changes needed to achieve equitable policing. The book also encourages readers to consider the idea that achieving justice and legitimacy in policing cannot happen as the institution is now formulated, and it invites readers to consider the abolitionist perspective. The aim is for readers to use the topics discussed in each chapter to envision transformative propositions.</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Rogan, Mary and Sophie van der Valk. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2023. “Ireland: The Weak European Supervision of Prison Policies and its Explanations.” Pp. 85-97 in XXX (Ed.) <i>The Evolving Protection of Prisoners’ Rights in Europe</i>. Routledge. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9780429317033-8/ireland-mary-rogan-sophie-van-der-valk" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Ireland has a long history as a member state of the Council of Europe and its supervisory mechanisms. Given the absence of the European Court of Human Rights case law regarding Ireland, this chapter will focus on the impact of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) on domestic case law in relation to prisons alongside the activities of the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT), as well as the influence of European standards on domestic law and policy. We also provide analysis of how European human rights protections are viewed by people in prison. We posit that the weak judicial European supervision of prison practices in Ireland derives in part from Irish legal culture's reluctance to use the Convention, as well as a general lack of prison litigation. We argue that Council of Europe's framework for protecting rights in prisons as a whole must be considered when assessing the impact of European supervision on Ireland, especially in the absence of direct supervision by the Strasbourg court, and that non-judicial supervision has had some effect on domestic practice.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Rubin, Ashley T.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2023. “That Time We Tried to Build the Perfect Prison: Learning from Episodes Across U.S. Prison History.” Pp. 21-50 in Dominique Moran, Yvonne Jewkes, Kwan-Lamar Blount-Hill, and Victor St. John (Eds.), <i>The Palgrave Handbook of Prison Design</i>. Palgrave Macmillan. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.springerprofessional.de/en/that-time-we-tried-to-build-the-perfect-prison-learning-from-epi/23787292" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">How should we evaluate recent efforts to make prisons more healthful and humane institutions? While many of these endeavours are impressive, creative, and have been shown to have positive impacts on people living and working within prisons, it is also possible to locate these ventures in a very long line of efforts to construct the perfect prison, a slippery goal that changes over time. This chapter reviews some of the more famous attempts (within the United States) at perfecting the prison, focusing on how reformers, designers, administrators, politicians, and others imagined perfection when speaking of incarceration. Equally important, this chapter also examines how and why these efforts failed. This chapter closes by considering what lessons we can draw from this long line of ill-fated attempts at perfecting the prison.<o:p></o:p></span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-70513819439777562482022-12-29T10:42:00.004-08:002022-12-29T10:42:57.163-08:00Members' Publications: December Edition<p> <i style="caret-color: rgb(102, 102, 102); color: #666666; font-family: "Trebuchet MS", Trebuchet, Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 15.4px;">As compiled by Dr. Kaitlyn Quinn</i></p><p><i style="caret-color: rgb(102, 102, 102); color: #666666; font-family: "Trebuchet MS", Trebuchet, Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 15.4px;"><br /></i></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in; text-align: center;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">LAW AND SOCIETY ASSOCIATION<o:p></o:p></span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Collaborative Research Network: Punishment and Society<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Organizers:<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Ashley Rubin, University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, USA<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Natalie Pifer, University of Rhode Island<o:p></o:p></span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"> </span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">December 2022<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">ARTICLES<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Annison, Harry and Rachel Condry.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “The Pains of Hope: Families of indeterminate sentenced prisoners and political campaigning by lay citizens.” <i>British Journal of Criminology</i> 62(5): 1252-1269. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/bjc/article/62/5/1252/6702070" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This paper examines the politics of crime and insecurity as experienced ‘from below’. We draw on in-depth interviews with families of indeterminate-sentenced prisoners, and policy participants, in order to understand families’ experiences of their relative’s imprisonment under the discredited English Imprisonment for Public Protection (IPP) sentence and their public campaigning against it. We situate these experiences within broader structural trends, which we conceptualise as penal-familial assemblages. We argue that the experiences cause ‘pains of hope’ for families through a double liminality: first, due to the uncertainties caused by the indeterminate sentence, which brings neither closure nor release. Second, meaningful state action on campaigners’ demands remained elusive, with moments when change appeared close but ultimately remained just out of reach. In conclusion, we draw out the lessons from our study for analysing penal politics. We argue, in particular, for a humanistic recognition of the centrality, and the pains, of lay citizens’ efforts to seek to achieve progressive penal policy change.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Annison, Harry and Thomas Guiney. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">2022. “Populism, Conservatism and the Politics of Parole in England and Wales.” <i>Political Quarterly</i> 93(3) 416-423. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-923X.13170" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Reform of the parole system has emerged as the cause célèbre of a resurgent law and order politics. Successive governments have seized upon the symbolic power of parole to demonstrate ‘toughness’ with respect to violent and sexual offending, to express solidarity with the victims of crime and reaffirm a populist credo that purportedly stands in opposition to an unaccountable and out of touch penal elite. Published in March 2022, the Ministry of Justice Root and Branch Review of the Parole System represents a continuation of this well-rehearsed political strategy, but arguably goes further than ever before in its willingness to dispense with established norms, rules and practices. This article surveys the contemporary politics of parole in England and Wales and reflects upon what these developments reveal about the shifting contours of a creeping authoritarian conservatism premised upon nostalgia, nationalism and the projection of a strong, centralised state.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Dal Santo, Luiz.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “Brazilian prisons in times of mass incarceration: Ambivalent transformations.” <i>The Howard Journal of Crime and Justice</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/hojo.12493" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Most of the scholarship on the ‘punitive turn’ has claimed that there have been two main trends in punishment since the 1970s: the rise of incarceration rates (quantitative dimension) and the worsening of prison conditions (qualitative dimension). Scholars argue that, in parallel with the rise of mass incarceration, there has been a fall of the rehabilitative ideal. In this view, prisons in core countries have basically operated as a warehouse, working towards neutralisation and incapacitation. Both trends are also viewed as reflecting a global convergence of penal policies. The analysis of the Brazilian case challenges this supposed universality. Drawing on official prison data, reports from non-governmental organisations, and secondary data, I argue that mass incarceration has not been accompanied by the same qualitative changes to prisons in ‘Western countries’ and Brazil. First, features of the so-called warehouse prison, such as low levels of prison activities, have always been present in Brazilian prisons, and are not an effect of mass incarceration. Furthermore, the consequences of mass incarceration in Brazilian prisons have, in fact, been ambivalent and, in some cases, may have alleviated inmates’ suffering, rather than intensifying experiences of confinement. Finally, instead of neutralising and controlling criminals, Brazilian prisons under mass incarceration have contributed to the emergence, empowerment, recruitment and organisation of gangs, whose powers now transcend the physical barriers of prison walls.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">DeCaro, Joanne B., Kelci Straka, Nadia Malek, and Alyson K. Zalta.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “Sentenced to Shame: Moral Injury Exposure in Former Lifers.” <i>Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36265046/" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Objective: A significant increase in the release of individuals who served life sentences (i.e., lifers) in California has created the opportunity to study aspects of their psychological wellness for the first time. Moral injury may be a particularly relevant factor to consider in this population, but has not been previously studied. This study is the first to explore the concept of moral injury within a currently or formerly incarcerated population. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Method: Former lifers currently in reentry in California (N = 41) completed a survey that measured their moral injury exposure (MIE), MIE-related guilt, MIE-related shame, MIE-related rumination, religiosity, attempts at making amends, and flourishing. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Results: As expected, a high rate of lifetime MIEs was endorsed (97.6%). Events linked to life sentence crimes (75.6%) and time in prison (56.1%) were very common. Lower levels of MIE-related shame (r = -.58, p < 0.01) and higher levels of religiosity (r = .35, p < 0.05) were significantly associated with greater flourishing. By contrast, degree of MIE exposure, MIE-related guilt, and MIE-related rumination, and making amends were all weakly associated with flourishing. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Conclusion: Our results highlight that MIE is pervasive in this population and extends beyond life sentence crimes. Moreover, our findings suggest that it is lifers’ self-concept following MIEs that appears to affect well-being upon release, rather than the extent and nature of moral injury exposure. Further research exploring moral injury in incarcerated and formerly incarcerated populations is needed to improve their well-being and chances of successful re-entry.</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Garland, David. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. “The Current Crisis of American Criminal Justice: A structural analysis.” <i>Annual Review of Criminology</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.annualreviews.org/doi/abs/10.1146/annurev-criminol-030722-035139" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This review situates the recent, radical challenges to American criminal justice—calls to end mass incarceration, defund the police, and dismantle systemic racism—within the broader social and economic arrangements that make the US system so distinctive and so problematic. It describes the social structures, institutions, and processes that give rise to America's extraordinary penal state—as well as to its extraordinarily high rates of homicide and social disorder—and considers what these portend for the prospect of radical change. It does so by locating American crime and punishment in the structural context of America's (always-already racialized) political economy—a distinctive set of social structures and institutional legacies that render the United States more violent, more disorderly, and more reliant on penal control than any other developed nation. Drawing on a broad range of social science research findings, it argues that this peculiar political economy—a form of capitalism and democratic governance forged on the anvils of slavery and racial segregation and rendered increasingly insecure and exclusionary in the decades following deindustrialization—generates high levels of social disorganization and criminal violence and predisposes state authorities to adopt penal control as the preferred policy response.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Golembeski, Cynthia, Matthew Bakko, Shayla Wilson, and Twyla Carter. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. “U.S. Bail, Pretrial Justice, and Charitable Bail Organizations: Strengthening Social Equity and Advancing Politics and Public Ethics of Care.” <i>Public Integrity</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10999922.2022.2115219" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The U.S. criminal legal system contributes to the oppression and harm of marginalized groups, calling into question ethical governance. The front end of this system, specifically bail and pretrial justice, exploits opportunities for resource generation and social control as a major driver of incarceration, yet receives limited attention in public administration or ethics. Disproportionate punishment and collateral penalties associated with bail and pretrial justice are causes and consequences of structural racism and administrative dysfunction. Excessive bail as a poverty penalty incurs risks to health, safety, financial security, and constitutional presumptions and protections. In light of civil and constitutional rights concerns, bail and pretrial-associated philanthropic solutions have proliferated. This article provides background on bail and pretrial justice policies and politics; outlines evidence of related consequences; describes select reform efforts and philanthropic tools, including the charitable bail organization The Bail Project; and contextualizes bail and pretrial justice within a public values framework, which centers social equity and incorporates critical race theory alongside politics and public ethics of care. Upholding the Constitution and the law, strengthening social equity, and ensuring procedural due process are core tenets of good governance, yet anathema to the current bail and pretrial justice system, which is a critical public ethics concern.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Gurusami, Susila, Rocío R. García, and Diya Bose. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. “Abolishing Carceral Distractions: Refusing the Discursive Punishment of Latinxs.” <i>Journal of Criminal Justice Education. </i>OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10511253.2022.2139850" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">LatCrim scholars and LatCrim scholarship are concerned with working towards racial justice, particularly with and for Latinxs ensnared by the criminal-legal system. To support existing and future work in this area, we conduct a discursive analysis of existing research, public policy, and responses to policies at the nexus of crimmigration scholarship and Latinx sexualities to examine how the figure of “the criminal” drives scholarship on racial justice. We develop the concept of carceral distractions as a type of white distraction that orient us toward accepting carceral fate and consequences as an inevitable marker of state care, protection, and remedy for harm. Carceral distractions make it difficult to recognize the possibilities beyond and outside carceral formations and ideologies. We develop this article as an abolition feminist tool to help identify and understand carceral distractions. To do so, we pose three central questions when asking whether proposed interventions, approaches, or solutions are carceral distractions: (1) What are we oriented towards?; (2) What are we distracted from?; and (3) Who do we leave behind? Ultimately, we demonstrate how carceral distractions strengthen white supremacy by legitimizing carceral logics.</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Iverson, Justin. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. “Surveilling Potential Uses and Abuses of Artificial Intelligence in Correctional Spaces.” <i>Lincoln Memorial University Law Review</i> 9(3): 1-36. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4197486" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">While individuals likely have different understandings of what constitutes artificial intelligence (AI), the truth is we have been using it for decades to greater or lesser degrees. Recent polling indicates Americans are somewhat aware of this fact, though fear about the potential harms posed by widescale AI adoption remains high. One area in which Americans favor using AI technology—and a focus of this paper—is in the apprehension, monitoring, and management of criminals.<br /><br />The American public associates AI—as we do in so many areas of our lives—with popular culture depictions, including Data, R2-D2, Cylons, VIKI, and Brainiac, to name a few. The characters and plotlines our artists create are both reflective of current scientific theory and influential on scientists developing future technology. Looking toward full AI integration in these stories helps us envision how AI can improve our quality of life and informs us of the potential risks associated with careless development and monitoring measures.<br /><br />In section II, this paper will begin with an analysis of the development of AI, noting famous examples and establishing a baseline definition as a lens for the rest of this discussion. This paper will assess aspects of AI and machine learning to the extent it furthers our understanding of AI’s ability to collect data and make decisions. Some popular culture references will be brought into focus here to recognize storytelling’s ability to inspire and influence real-world scientific pursuits. Of preliminary importance, the AI we have both dreamed of and feared are certainly kept in mind as technology advances through sentience milestones.<br /><br />Section III will discuss emerging technologies in the correctional space, including automated inmate communications monitoring services and related privacy and safety implications. Such technologies are designed to be objective and non-biased, though human involvement will necessarily entail subjectivity at each stage of development and implementation. The problem of encroaching AI is thus balanced between its own sophistication and that of its human collaborators.<br />In section IV, this paper will discuss the now-widescale adoption of correctional tablets in jails and prisons across the country. Persons experiencing incarceration have expectations about traditional monitoring areas, such as phone calls, mail, and video surveillance. However, allocating so many correctional services to a single device necessitates a new analysis of how governments, and the private contractors providing and maintaining their tablets, impact data collection and algorithm development practices.<br /><br />Finally, in section V, the pieces come together as this paper argues for responsible data analysis and algorithm development. The drumbeat march of AI into detention spaces shows no sign of halting but there is time yet to steer its development to productive and humane purpose. In the end, this paper aims to increase awareness of the potential benefits and pitfalls of AI integration in the correctional space and provide a framework to understand tradeoffs in this sector.<br /><br />As a tool, AI can supplement or entirely replace human involvement in nearly every arena but humans will determine the amount of deference given to this tool. And that amount will change in quantity and type without end. But those in jails and prisons, as a vulnerable population, do not have the luxury of providing substantive input in the way those decisions are made, and thus, we as interested observers must monitor the monitors on their behalf.</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Jones, Nikki, Kenly Brown, Eduardo Bautista Duran, Kaily Heitz, Jasmine Kelekay, Gil Rothschild Elyassi, and Geoffrey Raymond.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “‘Other than the Projects, You Stay Professional’: ‘Colorblind’ Cops and the Enactment of Spatial Racism in Routine Policing.” <i>City & Community. </i>OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15356841221123820" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">In this article, we show how routine policing is conscripted into the project of maintaining and reproducing spatial racism in urban settings through an intersecting set of macro-level processes and micro-interactional practices. Our analysis of ethnographic interviews conducted with over 40 police officers during 20 ride-alongs in the Western United States identifies person- and place-specific heuristic classifications that police officers rely on to manage routine encounters. We find that officers use membership categorization devices to sort people and places in the city into distinct categories (e.g., nice places, normal people, the projects, and people in the projects), which, in turn, prefigure different orientations to action at the start of and throughout their encounters with the public. Our findings provide an empirical basis for thinking of professional police knowledge as encoding systemic racism in routine policing, rather than being a break from it.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Kupchik, Aaron.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “Rethinking School Suspensions.” <i>Contexts</i> 21(1): 14-19. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/15365042221083005" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">When used too frequently, exclusionary school punishment like out-of-school suspensions are ineffective and harmful. The harms to students are clear, though excessive use of school suspensions also impacts entire schools, students’ families, and communities. Because youth of color are at greater risk of school punishments, these harms disproportionately limit their life opportunities and exacerbate racial inequality. To better understand how and why we punish students the way we do, sociologists need to understand school punishment as rooted in a historical legacy of racial oppression and denial of educational opportunities to Black children.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Kupchik, Aaron and Felicia Henry. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. “Generations of Criminalization: Resistance to Desegregation and School Punishment.” <i>Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00224278221120675" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Objectives: In this paper we refocus discussions of criminalization of students on structural racial inequality. We help explain racially disproportionate school punishments, while demonstrating the necessity for criminologists to examine how a historic legacy of racial oppression shapes contemporary punishments. More specifically, we explore the extent to which contemporary school punishment reflects a legacy of racial oppression and educational exclusion of Black students. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Methods: Using nationwide data from multiple sources, we analyze how resistance to school desegregation, measured by the number of court cases contesting school segregation from 1952 − 2002, relates to suspensions from school and days missed due to suspension. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Results: Our analyses show that schools in districts marked by resistance to school desegregation have significantly and substantially higher rates of suspensions for Black students and days missed by Black students due to suspension. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Conclusions: Contemporary school suspension is shaped by a legacy of racial oppression and educational exclusion. Our results confirm the importance of using a racialized social systems approach to understand and begin to remedy the criminalization of Black students.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Manikis, Marie. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. “Recognising State Blame in Sentencing: A Communicative and Relational Framework.” <i>Cambridge Law Journal</i> 81(2): 294-322. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/cambridge-law-journal/article/recognising-state-blame-in-sentencing-a-communicative-and-relational-framework/7EF4AF6FB915624309DCE47B0650C7FD" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Censure, blame and harms are central concepts in sentencing that have evolved over the years to take into account social context and experiential knowledge. Flexibility, however, remains limited as the current analysis in sentencing focuses on the offender while failing to engage with the state's contribution in creating wrongs and harms. This risks giving rise to defective practices of responsibility since the state can also contribute to their production. The following article presents a complementary and additional framework within sentencing to account for state censure, blame and harms. The framework is rooted in communicative theories of punishment that integrate a responsive understanding of censure and a relational account of responsibility.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Manikis, Marie. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. “The Principle of Proportionality in Sentencing: A Dynamic Evolution and Multiplication of Conceptions.” <i>Osgoode Hall Law Journal</i> 59(3): 587-628. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4040259" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This article examines the theoretical foundations and developments of the concept of proportionality in common law sentencing. It traces its evolution within its two main underlying frameworks: desert-based and consequentialist theories of punishment. It specifically examines the Canadian context and demonstrates that this concept was primarily rooted in a desert-based framework but has increasingly been infused with consequentialist rationales. It is argued that this multiplication of underpinnings has led to a conceptual muddling of proportionality, risking voiding the concept of its meaning and usefulness to decision-makers at sentencing. The article therefore proposes a nuanced framework, similar to the one in England and Wales, rooted in a dynamic understanding of just deserts that allows for the incorporation of relevant consequentialist aims in a principled fashion.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Melossi, Dario. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. “Servitude for a time: From the permanent slavery of the unfree to the slavery pro tempore of the free.” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/14624745221140132" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">I consider the forms of control, which went “untreated” by 1970s “revisionist” penality literature (in other words, I wonder whether the categories of human beings who are (mostly) not found in prisons have something in common). I take as starting point that the “temporary slavery” which is the punishment of imprisonment, emerged historically as related to the “free” condition of those punished. Forms of control instead for the “unfree” are not to be included in “(penal) imprisonment” and could be understood as “domestic” forms of control expressed, originally, in the idea of “Pater Familias.” This form of control is not punishment but is a permanent condition deemed appropriate for given categories of human beings, such as “children,” “women,” “slaves,” and what I call “the mad and other non-persons.” I first examine how imprisonment (as punishment) emerged, after the end of servitude in Europe, as a sort of “memory of slavery,” to enforce a principle of subordination dedicated to “the free.” Then, I look at the mechanisms of social control for those who are not socially perceived as “free.” Finally, I attempt at sketching the process of expansion of mechanisms of subordination—for the free and the unfree—beyond European borders.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Piehowski, Victoria and Michelle Phelps.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “Strong-arm Sobriety: Addressing Precarity through Probation.” <i>Law & Social Inquiry</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/law-and-social-inquiry/article/abs/strongarm-sobriety-addressing-precarity-through-probation/71A5D50553EC6B69BE83CE7CC4FA44CC" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Over the past half-century, the US welfare and penal systems have become increasingly fused modes of poverty governance. At the center of the welfare-penal continuum sits probation, a form of community supervision that operates as a central hub, directing people to both services and incarceration. Drawing on interviews with 166 adults on probation in Hennepin County, Minnesota, in 2019, we argue that the coercive care of probation is structured by the broader project of controlling alcohol and drug use among the poor. Developing the concept of strong-arm sobriety, we show how the “criminal addict” trope undergirds the central processes of probation: treatment, testing, and revocation. We argue that strong-arm sobriety misreads structural precarity as the result, rather than the cause, of individuals’ choices. In doing so, strong-arm sobriety fails to address the circumstances that engender substance use and produces future subjects for coercive care.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Quinn, Kaitlyn and Philip Goodman. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. “Shaping the road to reentry: Organizational variation and narrative labor in the penal voluntary sector.” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/14624745221128102" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Financial austerity, welfare state retrenchment, and the movement towards evidence-based interventions have intensified the pressures on penal voluntary sector (PVS) organizations. The result is an increasingly competitive field of social service provision in which organizations must differentiate themselves in the struggle over funding, contracts, symbolic authority, and potential clients. We explore this struggle by examining the distinct roads to reentry constructed at four PVS organizations in Ontario, Canada. Our analysis initiates a dialogue between individual narratives and organizational discourses, contending that the road to reentry is coauthored among organizations and criminalized individuals—albeit on unequal terms. Our findings reveal that there are significant pressures for criminalized individuals to perform narrative labor to align themselves with organizational understandings of reentry. Such pressures include: the denial of services or social assistance payments, threats of being returned to prison for “inadequate” participation in rehabilitation, and risks of not being considered for coveted “professional ex” positions at PVS organizations. In light of these empirical findings, we also offer a conceptual reflection on the challenges criminalized individuals likely face accessing services from multiple organizations with differing roads to reentry, suggesting that navigating these diverse roads not only requires narrative labor, but also narrative dexterity.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Santos, Maria-Fátima.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “Modernizing Leviathan: Carceral Reform and the Struggle for Legitimacy in Brazil’s Espírito Santo State.” <i>American Sociological Review</i> 87(5): 889-918. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00031224221121294" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Incarceration has become naturalized as a primary mode of punishment within the penal systems of modern states across the globe. This study examines how states develop the capacity to execute incarceration as a routine state function. I argue that rationalization and bureaucratization are key for transforming carceral enclosures into a naturalized feature of states’ routine exercise of coercion. I develop this argument through analysis of a dynamic case of carceral modernization in the Brazilian state of Espírito Santo (2003 to 2014). I analyze the significance of coordinated violence and performative strategies for rulers to extend administrative capacity to incarceration and transform confinement into a legitimate and legitimizing instrument of state power. Findings demonstrate how coercive practices and other modes of violence that state authorities come to narrate as illegitimate are not antithetical to modernization. Rather, they become constitutive of the very process of consolidating and legitimizing rational-legal modes of administration that routinely exercise violence while more effectively being misrecognized as such. By extending inquiry to how states develop the administrative capacity to exercise penal power, this analysis makes several contributions to the political sociology of punishment and theories of state-building.</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Singh, Shawn and James Gacek.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “Erasure and Erosion: Exploring Federal Government Efforts to Complicate Socio-Legal and Environmental Obligations owed to Indigenous People.” <i>Manitoba Law Journal</i> 45(4): 1-38. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://themanitobalawjournal.com/wp-content/uploads/articles/MLJ_45.4/454-erasureanderosion.pdf" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The Canadian federal government has fallen short of its reconciliatory objectives with Indigenous peoples and preventing anthropogenic climate change. In recognizing these issues, the Government of Canada implemented several policy initiatives to realign industrial production and consumption at the national level, as well as to grow Indigenous participation in capitalist production as a means of approaching a form of self-government. As part of this policy agenda, the state targets Indigenous communities as leaders who hold the potential to implement more sustainable methods of energy production to encourage them to become Canada’s environmental stewards. However, we contend that such policy initiatives also erode the socio-legal and environmental obligations owed to Indigenous peoples by the Canadian federal government. To articulate the impact of these policies on the interests of Indigenous communities, we explore certain efforts of the Canadian state, through the lens of neoliberal settler colonialism, to identify its striking consistency with past approaches of dislocating colonized populations and reclaiming power bases that are still within settler state control. We recommend the arrest of the Canadian settler state’s modern approach to eroding its obligations to Indigenous peoples, while also proposing further measures be taken to recognize and strengthen Indigenous and environmental rights.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"> </span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866667px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS</span></u></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Crewe, Ben, Andrew Goldsmith, and Mark Halsey (Eds.). </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. <i>Power and Pain in the Modern Prison: The Society of Captives Revisited.</i> Oxford University Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/power-and-pain-in-the-modern-prison-9780198859338?facet_narrowbypubdate_facet=Next%203%20months&lang=en&cc=th" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Sykes’ <i>The Society of Captives</i> has stood as a classic of modern penology for nearly 60 years. However, the continued relevance of Sykes’ seminal publication often passes unremarked by many contemporary scholars working in the very field that such works helped to define. This book combines a series of timely reflections on authority, power and governance in modern prison institutions as well as a reflection on the enduring relevance of the work of Gresham Sykes. With chapters from many of the most influential scholars undertaking prison research today, the contributions discuss such matters as the pains of imprisonment, penal order, staff-prisoner relationships and the everyday world of the prison, drawing on and critiquing Sykes’s theories and insights, and placing them in their historic and contemporary context.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Gacek, James. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. <i>Portable Prisons: Electronic Monitoring and the Creation of Carceral Territory</i>. McGill-Queen’s University Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.mqup.ca/portable-prisons-products-9780228008286.php" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The pervasiveness of surveillance, punishment, and control within and outside of spaces such as jails, prisons, and detention centres suggests that the carceral is becoming an increasingly prevalent presence in our lives, going beyond historical standards. The contemporary use of electronic monitoring extends carceral territory beyond prison walls, into people’s homes and everyday lives.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Empirically and empathetically driven, <i>Portable Prisons</i> is a telling exploration of the electronic monitoring of offenders based on an ethnographic case study from Scotland. Electronic monitoring must be understood - in both intent and effect - as a carceral practice, an expression of the carceral state and its overreaching punitive capabilities. James Gacek demonstrates that various people experience punishment by means of restrictions around mobility, space, and time in ways that strongly overlap with the reported experiences of interviewed prisoners. Drawing attention to how the neoliberal state outsources the labour of punishment to private corporations and the punished themselves, he also rejects the idea that “soft” punishment is in any way related to the movement for decarceration.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Offering an original contribution to our understanding of the geography of incarceration, <i>Portable Prisons</i> is a sophisticated account of electronic monitoring, underlining the growing significance of this field.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Gacek, James and Richard Jochelson</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">(Eds.).</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. <i>Green Criminology and the Law</i>. Palgrave Macmillan. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-030-82412-9" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This edited collection is grounded in a green criminological approach to understand whether the law, both in effect and implications, reflects, refracts, or sublimates the social, political and ecological conditions of our times. Since its initial proposal in the 1990s, green criminology has focused the criminological gaze on a wide array of harms and crimes affecting humans, animals other than humans, ecological systems, and the planet as a whole. As a continuously blossoming field of criminological inquiry, green criminology recognizes and examines behaviours that are both illegal and legal (yet detrimental), and in varying ways has made great efforts to provide insight into harms in a more fulsome manner. At the same time, there have been many significant legal instances, domestic, and international, including case law, legislation, regulation, treaties, agreements and executive directives which have troubled the law’s understanding of green harms, illegal and legal activity, pushing legal boundaries in the process. Recognizing that humanity and nature are inextricably integrated, <i>Green Criminology and the Law</i> reflects the range and depth of high-quality research and scholarship, combining contributions from established scholars willing to explore new topics and recent entrants who are breaking new scholarly ground.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Garland, David. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022.</span><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">“What is Penal Populism? Public Opinion, Expert Knowledge and Penal Policy Formation in Democratic Societies.” Pp. 249-272 in <i>Crime, Justice and Social Order: Essays in Honour of A. E. Bottoms</i>, edited by Alison Liebling, Joanna Shapland, Richard Sparks, and Justice Tankebe. Oxford University Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/book/43902" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Gibson-Light, Michael. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. <i>Orange-Collar Labor: Work and Inequality in Prison</i>. Oxford University Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/orange-collar-labor-9780190055400?cc=us&lang=en&" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The United States is home to the most expansive prison system on Earth. In addition to holding nearly a quarter of the world's legal captives, this nation puts them to work. Close to two-thirds of those held in U.S. state prisons hold some sort of job while incarcerated. For these imprisoned people, the carceral institution is not only a place of punishment, but a workplace as well. Yet, very little is known about the world of work behind bars. In order to illuminate the "black box" that is modern prison labor, this book marshals 18 months of ethnographic observations within one of America's medium-security prisons as well as 82 interviews with currently-incarcerated men and the institutional staff members tasked with overseeing them. Pulling together these accounts, it paints a picture of daily labors on the inside, showing that not all prison jobs are the same, nor are all imprisoned workers treated equally. While some find value and purpose in higher-paying, more desirable jobs, others struggle against monotony and hardship in lower-paying, deskilled work assignments. The result is a stratified prison employment system in which race, ethnicity, nationality, and social class help determine one's position in the labor hierarchy and, as a result, their experiences of incarceration and ability to prepare for release. Through insightful first-hand perspectives and rich ethnographic detail, Orange-Collar Labor takes the reader inside the prison workplace, illustrating the formal prison economy as well as the informal black market on which many rely to survive. Highlighting moments of struggle and suffering, as well as hard work, cooperation, resistance, and dignity in harsh environments, it documents the lives of America's working prisoners so often obscured from view.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">McNeill, Fergus, Phil Crockett Thomas, Lucy Cathcart Frödén, Jo Collinson Scott, Oliver Escobar, and Alison Urie. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. “Time After Time: Imprisonment, reentry and enduring temporariness.” Pp. 171-201 in <i>Time and Punishment: New Contexts and Perspectives</i>, edited by Nicola Carr and Gwen Robinson. Palgrave Macmillan. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-031-12108-1_7" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This chapter aims to address the scant attention that has been paid to time and temporalities in re-entry and re/integration research. Drawing on data from the ‘Distant Voices—Coming Home’ project, which used creative methods to explore re/integration after punishment—we illustrate and analyse three ‘travails’ of penal time. We use the term travails here to stress the significant, difficult and active work involved in addressing these temporal challenges. Respectively, these travails concern the struggles caused by ‘de-synchrony’ between time inside and outside of prison and the problems of ‘re-synchrony’ that it creates; the contestation of ‘readiness’ for progression and release; and the problem of living with the paradox of ‘enduring temporariness’. In our conclusion, we argue that tackling these three challenges requires people re-entering society to travel not just through spaces and to places but also through time, both backwards and forwards. These journeys are fraught with both difficulty and danger.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">PUBLIC SCHOLARSHIP<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Lageson, Sarah.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> November 13, 2022. “Formerly Incarcerated Job Seekers Need More Than Training.” <i>Wired</i>. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.wired.com/story/employment-prison-jobs-digital-reputation/" style="color: purple;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Reentry programs help, but tech companies must also modify their hiring systems.<o:p></o:p></span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-72300508607318787572022-09-17T20:30:00.006-07:002022-09-17T20:30:48.807-07:00Members' Publications: September Edition<p><i>As compiled by Dr. Kaitlyn Quinn</i></p><p> <span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; text-align: center;">LAW AND SOCIETY ASSOCIATION</span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;">Collaborative Research Network: Punishment and Society<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px; margin: 0in;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;">Organizers:<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px; margin: 0in;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;">Ashley Rubin, University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, USA<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px; margin: 0in;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;">Natalie Pifer, University of Rhode Island<o:p></o:p></span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;"> </span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px; margin: 0in; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;">RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;">September 2022<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;">ARTICLES</span></u></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Aaronson, Ely and Gil Rothschild-Elyassi.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2021. “The symbiotic tensions of the regulatory–carceral state: The case of cannabis legalization.” <i>Regulation & Governance</i> 15(S1): S23-S39. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/rego.12394" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Recent scholarship has emphasized the need to develop a polymorphic conceptualization of the regulatory state. This article contributes to this theory-building project by outlining a research agenda for exploring the symbiotic interactions and tensions between the regulatory and carceral morphs of the state. Using the case study of cannabis legalization reforms in the United States, we argue that the legitimation deficits of the carceral state stimulate the proliferation of new regulatory frameworks for governing social problems that were traditionally handled by the criminal justice system. We demonstrate how the polymorphic approach illuminates the ways in which the regulatory and carceral morphs of the state compete for influence over shared policy domains, but also complement and reinforce one another. Thus, rather than precipitating the demise of the carceral state, cannabis legalization reforms sustain a bifurcated governance structure perpetuating long-standing patterns of using drug law as a means for racialized social control.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Aviram, Hadar.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “The House Always Wins: Doctrine and Animus in California’s COVID-19 Prison Litigation.” <i>Case Western Reserve Law Review</i> 72(3): 565-630. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev/vol72/iss3/5/" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Bardelli Tommaso, Zach Gillespie, and Thuy Linh Tu.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “Surviving austerity: Commissary stores, inequality and punishment in the contemporary American prison.” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/14624745221118345" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Privatization and austerity measures have turned US prisons and jails into sites of financial extraction. As corrections systems have slashed budgets for essential services, incarcerated individuals are increasingly expected to cover the costs of their institutionalization, including amounts for administrative fees and legal support, and for covering basic necessities during incarceration. This article focuses on the commissary system as a central yet understudied institution of the American neo-liberal prison. It conceptualizes commissary as a double-edged institution: on the one hand, prison commissary stores—where people can purchase a wide variety of items, from extra food to small appliances—constitute a crucial mechanism for extending financial extraction inside carceral institutions, siphoning millions of dollars each year from impoverished households. At the same time, we argue, shopping at commissary allows incarcerated persons to mitigate against the punitive frugality imposed by the prison and to limit the reach of disciplinary power. Drawing on qualitative research with sixty formerly incarcerated men in New York State, and on the personal experiences of one of the authors with the New York penal system, this article reconstructs how access to economic capital functions as a mediating structure in contemporary US prisons, enabling some prisoners to negotiate carceral punishment, while leaving others fully exposed to its harmful consequences.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Belt, Rabia.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “The Fat Prisoners’ Dilemma: Slow Violence, Intersectionality, and a Disability Rights Framework for the Future.” <i>Georgetown Law Journal</i> 110(4): 785-833. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.law.georgetown.edu/georgetown-law-journal/in-print/volume-110/6016-2/the-fat-prisoners-dilemma-slow-violence-intersectionality-and-a-disability-rights-framework-for-the-future/" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Law has ignored the problems of fatness in prisons and jails and regularly fails to address much-needed accommodations for fat incarcerated people due to flaws in incarceration law and applications of disability law.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The dilemma of fat incarcerated people extends beyond litigation difficulties, however. It is a heuristic that illustrates the depth of the harm of mass incarceration and the need to take disability seriously—and how complicated taking disability seriously is. Attention to the social inequities that produce and maintain the population of fat people in prisons exposes a profound tension in disability scholarship and activism. Typically, disability scholarship and advocacy seek to unite a disability community of people with varying bodily impairments by focusing on stigma and stereotyping. While people’s bodies are different, all disabled people experience ableism. This Article contends that disability scholars and advocates can and should augment their focus on stigma and stereo- typing to emphasize the social inequities such as environmental poisoning, racism, poverty, and violence that produce many debilitating impairments. This proposal is an uncomfortable proposition for disability scholarship and advocacy wary of eugenic treatment and “cures.” Reducing social inequities would reduce the population of disabled people, and advocacy to improve the environmental predecessors to impairment could be viewed as a condemnation of the state of disability itself. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">However, proper attention to intersectional injustice in conjunction with respect for disabled people requires thoughtful consideration of the production of impairments. Although not all disabilities are the result of social injustice, knitting together social inequality and disability would reorient the field on those who are most marginalized, redirect it toward a greater reliance on intersectional principles, and link it to other political and legal campaigns that challenge injustice.</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Burkhardt, Brett C. and Scott Akins.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “How Should Police Respond to Homelessness? Results from a Survey Experiment in Portland, Oregon.” <i>Criminal Justice Studies</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/10.1080/1478601X.2022.2089667" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Recent years have seen increases in citizen complaints and legislation about homelessness. Police are often tasked with responding to these complaints and violations. This paper asks: What do people want the police to do when they encounter visible homelessness, and how are these preferences related to characteristics of observers and of individuals who are homeless? It presents findings from a survey experiment delivered to residents of Portland, Oregon, USA. Respondents were given a series of vignettes involving a hypothetical homeless man whose race (Black or White) and background characteristics (substance abuse, mental illness, combat veteran, or control) were randomly assigned. Respondents were then asked to endorse an aggressive (‘arrest’), therapeutic (‘help’), or hands-off (‘ignore’) response by police. Results reveal support for a therapeutic response to visible homelessness, though this was mediated somewhat by the race of the homeless person. The findings contribute to research on public perceptions of police actions.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 16pt 0in 12pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Carter, TaLisa J. and Miltonette O. Craig.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “It Could Be Us: Black Faculty as ‘Threats’ on the Path to Tenure.” <i>Race and Justice</i> 12(3): 569-587. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221087366" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Racial disparities in tenure and promotion outcomes are well known in the existing research literature. Scholarship establishes that Black and Brown faculty experience unique challenges when navigating the tenure and promotion process, such as lack of diverse mentorship, biased student/peer evaluations, and disproportionately high service demands. However, the public has entered this discourse due to recent media attention involving the tenure cases of Nikole Hannah-Jones and Cornel West, and this has prompted minoritized faculty nationwide to reflect on the implications of these incidents on their own careers. This study relies on theoretical and conceptual literature to discuss the professional realities Black faculty face on the job. We make the theoretical claim that the racial threat hypothesis can facilitate understanding of how Black faculty pursuing tenure is a political threat to white hegemony in the academy resulting in an increase of social control. We conclude with concrete recommendations on how Black scholars can wield the label of “threat” to successfully navigate the academy.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Jiang, Jize and Zhifeng Chen.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “Victim Welfare, Social Harmony, and State Interests: Implementing Restorative Justice in Chinese Environmental Criminal Justice.” <i>Asian Journal of Criminology</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11417-022-09376-5" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">While there have been abundant studies on restorative justice (RJ) in China and across the globe, research has paid scant attention to the increasing incorporation of RJ into the framework of Chinese environmental criminal justice (ECJ) and its mounting prominence in handling ECJ cases. To broaden our understanding of RJ in China, this study empirically examines the forms, functions, and foundations of RJ ideals and practices manifested in contemporary Chinese legal responses to environmental crime. Drawing on various sources of qualitative data, we find that RJ in ECJ uses a state-led-and-coordinated network of community organizations and residents (including groups of environmental victims) to account for victim welfare, offenders’ new responsibilization, and public engagement. Furthermore, we argue, as a peculiar form of law’s responsiveness in the wake of China’s swift transition to modernity, RJ in Chinese ECJ works to reinforce the declining legitimacy of the authoritarian state and enhance decreasing trust in the state’s ability to govern. Implications for better understanding and implementing RJ within the ECJ field are also presented and discussed.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Miltonette O. Craig and Kwan-Lamar Blount-Hill.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “Understanding Police Agencies’ Explanations for Racial and Ethnic Disproportionality in Vehicle Stops.” <i>Crime & Delinquency. </i>OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00111287221100953" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Extant literature on traffic stops indicates that disparate enforcement of traffic laws is pervasive, violative of individuals’ constitutional liberties, and can have a lasting impact on the psyches of those subjected to it. This issue takes center stage in Missouri, a state that has often been alleged to engage in racial profiling, because disproportionality has persisted despite legislation to address it. To this point, several quantitative investigations of Missouri traffic stop data have answered many important questions regarding the existence and prevalence of disparities. However, there is a dearth of qualitative research that focuses on police agencies’ reactions to the data outcomes. The current study addresses this gap by analyzing written responses from Missouri agencies submitted with stop statistics. Findings reveal that agencies use responses to provide several types of justifications, excuses, and mitigating circumstances to explain existing disparities.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Miltonette O. Craig, Jonathan C. Reid and Kelsey L. Kramer. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2022. “Vehicle Stops and Group Position: How Missouri Agencies Use Place and Race to Explain Disparities.” <i>Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/10439862221110996" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Missouri has been a part of the national discussion on racial profiling for several years—most recently with the NAACP’s issuance of a statewide travel advisory warning Black motorists of high disproportionality in vehicle stops. In their annual reports of stop data, agencies can submit a response to explain their numerical data. This study inductively analyzes the content of these written responses (<i>N</i> = 806), which were submitted between 2001 and 2019. Findings indicate that agency responses contain rationales in accordance with a sense of group position, with explanations for stops, searches, and arrests of motorists of color framed in terms of outsiders as a problematic influx upon insider spaces. The responses also show that the explanations are more about policing place than a legitimate effort at maintaining safety of the jurisdiction. The results of this study have several important implications for research, theory, and policy.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Crewe, Ben, Corentin Duran, Manon Veaudor, and Valérie Icard.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “‘Penal Power, Then, Exercises a Grip That Has Become Tighter and More Demanding, Even If in Many Respects Its Form Has Softened’: Interview With Ben Crewe.” <i>Champ Pénal/Penal Field</i> 25. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.openedition.org/champpenal/13828" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Hamilton, Claire and Lynsey Black</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. 2021. “‘Strikingly and Stubbornly High’: Investigating the Paradox of Public Confidence in the Irish Police.” <i>European Journal of Criminology</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/14773708211046194" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">While levels of public confidence in the police have declined internationally, the Republic of Ireland appears to have bucked this trend with confidence levels that remain ‘strikingly and stubbornly high’ ( Mulcahy, 2016: 275). This situation appears all the more puzzling given the wave of scandals to have hit the force in recent decades, ranging from police corruption in Donegal in the late 1990s to a more recent whistleblower scandal that has resulted in the resignation of a slew of Ministers and high-ranking officials. Such developments beg important questions as to the factors sustaining public confidence over this tumultuous period. Drawing on international and domestic data, this article aims to probe this ‘paradox’ of public confidence in the Irish police. It argues that, although confidence is high, there is more to the dynamics of confidence in the police in Ireland than this initial appraisal suggests. Indeed, it advances the Irish case as an illustration both of the dimensionality of the public confidence concept and the complexity of the pathways to trust in the police.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Jefferis, Danielle C</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">. forthcoming 2022. “Carceral Intent.” <i>Michigan Journal of Race & Law</i> 27. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4154625" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">For decades, scholars across disciplines have examined the stark injustice of American carceralism. Among that body of work are analyses of the various intent requirements embedded in the constitutional doctrine that governs the state’s power to incarcerate. These intent requirements include the “deliberate indifference” standard of the Eighth Amendment, which regulates prison conditions, and the “punitive intent” standard of due process jurisprudence, which regulates the scope of confinement. This Article coins the term “carceral intent” to refer collectively to those legal intent requirements and examines critically the role of carceral intent in shaping and maintaining the deep-rooted structural racism and sweeping harms of America’s system of confinement.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This Article begins by tracing the origins of American carceralism, focusing on the modern prison’s relationship to white supremacy and the post-Emancipation period in U.S. history. The Article then turns to the constitutional doctrine of incarceration, synthesizing and categorizing the law of carceral intent. Then, drawing upon critical race scholarship that examines anti-discrimination doctrine and the concept of “white innocence,” the Article compares the law’s reliance on carceral intent with the law’s reliance on discriminatory intent in equal protection jurisprudence. Critical race theorists have long critiqued the intent-focused anti-discrimination doctrine as incapable of remedying structural racism and inequities. The same can be said of the doctrine of incarceration. The law’s preoccupation with an alleged wrongdoer’s “bad intent” in challenges to the scope and conditions of incarceration makes it ill-suited to remedying the U.S. prison system’s profoundly unjust and harmful features. A curative approach, this Article asserts, is one in which the law focuses on carceral effect rather than carceral intent, as others have argued in the context of equal protection.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Jouet, Mugambi. </span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">2021. “</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Revolutionary Criminal Punishments: Treason, Mercy, and the American Revolution.” <i>American Journal of Legal History</i> 61(2): 139-176. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/ajlh/article/61/2/139/6423793" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">*Mugambi Jouet won the Brophy Prize for this article. </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The Alfred L. Brophy Prize is awarded annually to the article or other contribution in the<i>American Journal of Legal History</i> that most significantly breaks new ground and adds new insights to the study and understanding of United States legal history.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This article focuses on the exceptional mildness of criminal punishments for alleged traitors in the wake of the American Revolution. American leaders were disinclined to inflict the death penalty on loyalists who supported British rule in the revolutionary war or on insurgents in the Shays, Whiskey, and Fries rebellions shortly after independence. In fact, the Founding Fathers and other first-generation officials commonly showed remarkable mercy. Numerous “traitors” readily rehabilitated themselves by recognizing their faults, swearing an oath of allegiance to the new American republic, and promising to refrain from further wrongdoing. These revolutionary punishments were a striking prefiguration of modern penal practices: guilty pleas, probation sentences, and rehabilitation policies aiming to reintegrate wrongdoers into society. While American revolutionary punishments comprised stark racial inequities and did not constitute a lost utopia, they were particularly mild for the period. In contrast, the contemporary French Revolution led to wide-scale executions of purported traitors. Besides shedding light on historic events that criminal justice scholars have neglected, the article’s findings are relevant to ongoing debates about American exceptionalism and the peculiar harshness of modern American justice, including originalist and non-originalist interpretations of the Eighth Amendment. The rise of mass incarceration in the United States and its retention of the death penalty can foster cultural essentialism about how American culture traditionally lacks humanistic sensibilities. In reality, the revolutionary criminal punishments of the late eighteenth century demonstrate how America was once a trailblazer in embracing humane conceptions of justice.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Kurwa, Rahim and Susila Gurusami</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> (equal first authors). 2022. “Carceral Migrations: Reframing Race, Space, and Punishment.” <i>Social Service Review</i> 96(2):353-388. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/full/10.1086/719998" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">We theorize state governance through population spatial trajectories to capture how seemingly disparate systems of punishment employ the same set of punishment logics and technologies to spatially regulate populations of color, which produces and reifies racial projects. Advancing a theoretical framework called carceral migrations, we argue that governments use legal punishment to force, re- strict, and prevent movement as a racializing project of settler empire and anti- Blackness. Carceral migrations extend understandings of mass incarceration beyond confinement and holding by articulating three major points. First, the state’s regu- lation of populations’ spatial trajectories is punishment by design. Second, these spatially-oriented punishments operate as race-making and reinforcing technologies by producing punitive and recognizable spatial trajectories (or nontrajectories) for groups of people of color. Third, despite appearing race neutral in language, the development and application of legal codes and policies have disparate impacts on the spatial trajectories of people of color.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Leon, Chrysanthi S. and Ashley J. Kilmer.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “‘Secondary registrants’: A new conceptualization of the spread of community control.” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/14624745221094255" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">U.S. policies influence worldwide responses to sexual offending and community control. Individuals in the U.S. convicted of sex offenses experience surveillance and control beyond their sentences, including public registries and residency restrictions. While the targets are the convicted individuals, many registrants have romantic partners, children, and other family members also navigating these restrictions. Findings from a qualitative study using written and interview responses from a hard-to-reach group—family members of registrants (n = 58)—reveal legal and extra-legal surveillance and control beyond the intended target. We argue that family members are “secondary registrants” enduring both the reach of sex offense policies into their personal lives and targeted harms because of their relationship with a convicted individual, including vigilantism and a “sex offender surcharge.” Family members engage in advocacy work to ameliorate sex offense restrictions to counteract their own stigmatization and social exclusion. Conceptually, secondary registration captures the unique and expansive reach of policy, state surveillance, and coercion on registrant family members and raises new concerns about spillover harm. Secondary registration demonstrates an understudied example of the neoliberal penal practice of de-centering the state but with the addition of deep stigmatization and the spread of sovereign and vigilante violence onto families.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Malone Gonzalez, Shannon and Faith M. Deckard.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. ’We Got Witnesses’: Black Women Navigating Police Violence and Legal Estrangement.” <i>Social Problems</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/socpro/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/socpro/spac043/6644589?redirectedFrom=fulltext" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Police violence shapes the lives of racial and ethnic minorities, and while much has been written about strategic responses to police, missing is an examination of how black women navigate interactions with officers. Based on 32 interviews with black women, we find that they use witnessing, or the mobilization of others as observers to police encounters. Research demonstrates the rising role of videos and smartphones in documenting encounters with officers. We find that black women adapt witnessing techniques based on their surroundings, available resources, and network contacts. Three forms of witnessing are observed: physical witnessing, mobilizing others in close proximity to interactions with officers; virtual witnessing, using cellphone or social media technology to contact others or record interactions with officers; and institutional witnessing, leveraging police or other institutional contacts as interveners to interactions with officers. Black women mobilize witnessing to deescalate violence, gather evidence, and promote accountability. Attuned to both the interactional and structural dynamics of police encounters, black women conceptualize witnessing as a way to survive police encounters and navigate their legal estrangement within the carceral system. We theorize black women’s witnessing as a form of resistance as they work to reconfigure short- and long-term power relations between themselves, their communities, and police.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Mamet, Elliot.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “‘This Unfortunate Development’: Incarceration and Democracy in W.E.B. Du Bois.” <i>Political Theory. </i>[Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/00905917221104503" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Incarceration served as a primary apparatus by which abolition democracy was defeated after Reconstruction. Carceral institutions—such as the penitentiary, the convict-lease system, and the chain gang—functioned to demarcate the racial limits of citizenship and to impede equal political power. This article turns to W. E. B. Du Bois to argue that incarceration constrains democratic political equality. Turning to Du Bois’s treatment of crime and imprisonment in works including The Philadelphia Negro (1899), “The Spawn of Slavery” (1901), and The Souls of Black Folk (1903), alongside archival material, I situate incarceration in Du Bois’s democratic thought. According to Du Bois, carceral institutions bounded ideas of full citizenship, fueled panic over Black “criminality,” fomented feelings of inferiority, and hampered the possibility for abolition democracy, a multiracial, multiclass movement committed to worker democracy and a future rid of slavery and subjugation. Du Bois shows us how carceral institutions run into tension with democratic ideals.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Peirce, Jennifer.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “‘It was supposed to be fair here’: Human rights and recourse mechanisms in the Dominican Republic’s prison reform process.” <i>Journal of Human Rights</i> 21(1): 91-109. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14754835.2021.1988844" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This article analyzes prisoners’ accounts of human rights violations and protections in two types of prisons in the Dominican Republic: “new” prisons that uphold goals of rights and rehabilitation and “old” prisons that mostly warehouse people. This mixed-methods study finds that prisoners experience significant violence, mostly by other prisoners in old facilities and mostly by corrections staff in new facilities, with different rationales and possible responses. I consider three types of recourse mechanisms: top-down (courts or external commissions), bottom-up (advocacy), and internal institutional (grievance processes and human rights training). I argue that each of these carries constraints, and prisoners perceive official channels to favor the institution. The prevalence of rights violations and the narrow recourse options generate cynicism and frustration among prisoners and their families, which can undermine the legitimacy gained through other important improvements in the reform process.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Rothschild-Elyassi, Gil.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “The Datafication of Law: How Technology Encodes Carceral Power and Affects Judicial Practice in the United States.” <i>Law & Social Inquiry</i> 47(1): 55-94. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/law-and-social-inquiry/article/datafication-of-law-how-technology-encodes-carceral-power-and-affects-judicial-practice-in-the-united-states/5D0FC72684E487523E817F47002F5A2F" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This inquiry explores how data analyses about US Federal sentences have transformed sentencing practice beginning in the mid-1980s. I consider this inquiry an early case of the datafication of law, a pervasive process that translates legal practice into data and embeds it in digital networks so it can be tracked and analyzed in real time. To explore datafication historically and in relation to legal practice and power, I consider it not as an objective and passive undertaking but, rather, as an ideological and performative process that encodes and enacts normative presumptions and desirable futures. The empirical inquiry traverses “levels of analysis” and thus bridges prominent perspectives in sociolegal research. In so doing, I identify four mechanisms that mediate “large-scale” processes and “local” practices: field assembly, symbolic projection, material inscription, and boundaries spanning. Substantively, I show how datafication has not simply described, but also transformed, sentencing practice according to a colorblind-carceral imaginary that strives to fix the present in place. By relentlessly translating decisions into data forms that derive from this carceral imaginary, datafication affects judicial action and partakes in sustaining legacies of oppression. Yet, like other technologies, datafication also reveals dialectic dimensions in opening up to new actors and subjecting its ideological underpinnings to contestation and change.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Rowen, Jamie, Scott Blinder, and Rebecca Hamlin.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “Victim, perpetrator, neither: Attitudes on deservingness and culpability in immigration law.” <i>Law & Society Review</i> 56(3): 369-397. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/lasr.12619" style="color: purple;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in;"><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This study examines whether there is popular support for a restrictive immigration policy aimed at denying safe haven to human rights abusers and those affiliated with terrorism. We designed a public opinion survey experiment that asks respondents to evaluate whether low level or high level Taliban members who otherwise qualify for refugee status deserve immigration benefits. We found that a majority of respondents did not immediately deny a visa to low level worker. Looking at respondents’ explanations for their decision, we find two distinct clusters of reasons that we classify as either <i>circumstantial</i> – focused on the particularities of the case – or <i>categorical</i> – focused on general attributes of the applicant. Many respondents using circumstantial reasoning saw a distinction between the jobs potential immigrants have done in their pasts and what they actually believe, underscoring the fraught dynamics of armed conflict in which people may be swept up in violence they do not support.</span><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in;"><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 4pt 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Sandoval, Juan R. and Sarah E. Lageson.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “Patchwork disclosure: Divergent public access and personal privacy across criminal record disclosure policy in the United States.” <i>Law & Policy </i>44(3): 255-277. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/lapo.12193" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Scholars have paid minimal attention to state statutory guidance that allows criminal justice agencies to disclose records that contain personal information about arrestees, defendants, and incarcerated people. We analyze US state policy for police, courts, prisons, and record repositories (N = 200). Most states restrict access to compiled criminal histories, but nearly all allow broad public access to agency records. Divergent policy guidance accounts for these differences, where transparency laws govern agency records while state criminal codes regulate records of arrest and prosecution, otherwise known as RAP sheets. These policy differences contribute to widespread disclosures of non-conviction records, raising questions about due process and inequality in the big data age.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Simes, Jessica T., Bruce Western, and Angela Lee.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “Mental Health Disparities in Solitary Confinement.” <i>Criminology</i> 60(3):<i> </i>538-575. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/1745-9125.12315" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Harsh prison conditions have been widely examined for their effects on the mental health of incarcerated people, but few studies have examined whether mental health status exposes individuals to harsh treatment in the penal system. With prisoners confined to their cells for up to 23 hours each day, often being denied visitors or phone calls, solitary confinement is an important case for studying harsh treatment in prisons. Routinely used as punishment for prison infractions, solitary confinement may be subject to the same forces that criminalize the mentally ill in community settings. Analyzing a large administrative data set showing admissions to solitary confinement in state prison, we find high rates of punitive isolation among those with serious mental illness. Disparities by mental health status result from the cumulative effects of prison misconduct charges and disciplinary hearings. We estimate that those with serious mental illness spend three times longer in solitary confinement than similar incarcerated people with no mental health problems. The evidence suggests the stigma of dangerousness follows people into prison, and the criminalization of mental illness accompanies greater severity of incarceration.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Velazquez, Marisela, Theresa L. Petray, and Debra Miles.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “The Impacts of Drug and Alcohol use on Sentencing for First Nations and Non-Indigenous Defendants.” <i>Race and Justice</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/21533687221078967" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This paper examines the ways personal use of illicit substances and alcohol are constructed as either mitigating or aggravating factors to explain offending. We consider the differential constructions of these factors for people who appear in supreme and district courts in northern Queensland, Australia, for offences involving illicit substance use, alcohol use, drug-related offences, and violence. Qualitative analysis of courtroom observations is understood through the lens of Critical Race Theory (CRT). Our findings reveal that personal use of illicit substances was primarily constructed by legal practitioners as an indicator of disadvantaged circumstances when discussing non-Indigenous defendants. In these cases, drug use was connected to other disadvantages such as poor mental health, physical pain, and trauma. In contrast, alcohol use was primarily raised as an aggravating factor for First Nations defendants, constructed by legal practitioners as a personal flaw linked to violent offending, and overshadowed the interrelated disadvantages that many First Nations defendants experience. This reflects social attitudes about First Nations people, reinforces individualistic explanations for offending patterns, and points to the institutional racism embedded in the structural processes of Queensland's higher courts that continues to profoundly impact First Nations people.</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Webster, Elizabeth, Kathleen Powell, Sarah E. Lageson, and Valerio Baćak.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “‘Satan’s Minions’ and ‘True Believers’: How Criminal Defense Attorneys Employ Quasi-Religious Rhetoric and What It Suggests about Lawyering Culture.” <i>Justice System Journal</i> 43(1): 53-67. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/0098261X.2022.2067799?cookieSet=1" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The notion of law as sacred, and lawyers as righteous saviors, may seem anachronistic in the current context of heavy caseloads and expedited processing in the criminal justice system. Nevertheless, language reflecting these ideals still permeates defense attorneys’ descriptions of their roles, their legal practice, and their relationships to their colleagues and adversaries. We examine this language – specifically, attorneys’ quasi-religious rhetoric – to better understand courtroom dynamics: how attorneys see themselves, their work, their colleagues, and their legal adversaries. In this analysis of semi-structured interviews with 30 defense attorneys, we find that attorneys use of quasi-religious rhetoric manifests as a cultural practice that helps to establish and maintain professional identities, boundaries, and relationships. Our findings also suggest that young and novice public defenders are likely to express especially zealous views, which may compromise their efforts to collaborate within the adversarial system, as well as contribute to burnout.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Werth, Robert.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “More than monsters: Penal imaginaries and the specter of the dangerous sex offender.” <i>Punishment & Society.</i> OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/14624745221118883" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Drawing from ethnographic data, this article examines parole personnel’s imaginaries of dangerous sex offenders: individuals perceived as especially aberrant, predatory and irredeemable. While the dangerous sex offender is perceived as a monster, this article contends that we also need to attend to the spectral characteristics ascribed to this subject. For parole personnel, the dangerous sex offender is a monster, but this is a monster that haunts; a monster that represents a spectral figure. The spectrality of this figure manifests in two overlapping ways. First, parole personnel perceive the dangerous sex offender – as a person – as a ghostly figure: a mobile, roving, nearly omnipresent individual that is difficult to locate or contain. Second, they perceive the threat posed by this subject – the commission of future sex crimes – as a pervasive absent presence. Even when it is not occurring, recidivism is imagined as an emergent, already unfolding event. In this way, dangerous sex offenders and their presumptive reoffending represent haunting figures that trouble the distinctions between absence/presence, visible/invisible and knowable/unknowable. Through tracing the convergence of monstrosity and spectrality, this article shows how parole personnel’s imaginaries undergird the extremely exclusionary ways that they govern dangerous sex offenders.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Wozniak, Kevin H., Justin T. Pickett, and Elizabeth K. Brown.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. “Judging hardworking robbers and lazy thieves: An experimental test of act- vs. person-centered punitiveness and perceived redeemability.” <i>Justice Quarterly</i>. OnlineFirst. [Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07418825.2022.2111326" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This study explores whether Americans’ punitiveness and perceptions of redeemability are shaped more by the type of crime committed or by judgements about an offender’s moral character. Guided by theories of neoliberalism, we focus on laziness as an indicator of flawed character that is independent of criminality. A sentencing vignette experiment administered to a national sample of the U.S. population tested the effects of crime type and a defendant’s employment status, work ethic, and race on respondents’ preferred punishment and perceptions of the defendant’s redeemability. Both crime type and work ethic significantly affect perceived (ir)redeemability and sentencing preferences, but the effects are not identical. Work ethic exerts the largest effect on perceived (ir)redeemability, whereas crime type most strongly influences sentencing preferences. We discuss the implications of our findings for act- vs. person-centered theories of punishment, as well as the role of laziness stigma in social responses to lawbreakers.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;"> </span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 16.866666793823242px; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;">BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS</span></u></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.399999618530273px;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Black, Lynsey.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. <i>Gender and Punishment in Ireland: Women, Murder and the Death Penalty</i>, 1922-64. Manchester University Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk/9781526145284/gender-and-punishment-in-ireland/" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Gender and punishment in Ireland explores women's lethal violence in Ireland. Drawing on comprehensive archival research, including government documents, press reporting, the remnants of public opinion and the voices of the women themselves, the book contributes to the burgeoning literature on gender and punishment and women who kill. Engaging with concepts such as 'double deviance', chivalry, paternalism and 'coercive confinement', the work explores the penal landscape for offending women in postcolonial Ireland, examining in particular the role of the Catholic Church in responses to female deviance. The book is an extensive interdisciplinary treatment of women who kill in Ireland and will be useful to scholars of gender, criminology and history.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Black, Lynsey, Louise Brangan, and Deirdre Healy (Eds.).</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. <i>Histories of Punishment and Social Control in Ireland: Perspectives from a Periphery.</i> Emerald Publishing. (Perspectives on Crime, Law and Justice in the Global South series) [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://books.emeraldinsight.com/page/detail/histories-of-punishment-and-social-control-in-ireland/?k=9781800436077" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in;"><span style="font-size: 10pt; letter-spacing: 0.25pt;">As a peripheral state within English-speaking criminology, Ireland is often overlooked in mainstream Anglophone theories of punitiveness and penal transformation. This edited collection addresses this deficit by bringing together leading scholars on Irish penal history and theory to make a case for Ireland’s wider theoretical relevance.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in;"><span style="font-size: 10pt; letter-spacing: 0.25pt;">Together, these chapters show in rich detail the trends and debates that have surround patterns of punishment in Ireland since the formation of the State in 1922. However, by being about twentieth century Irish penal history, the volume inherently foregrounds often absent perspectives in criminology and punishment, such as gender, postcoloniality, religion, rurality, and carcerality beyond the criminal justice system. This is more than a collection of Irish criminology, therefore; the social analysis of Irish penal history is undertaken as a contribution towards southernising criminology. The authors each seek to engage criminology in a wider epistemological re-imagining of what is meant by punitiveness, penal culture, and 'Anglophone' penal history.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in;"><span style="font-size: 10pt; letter-spacing: 0.25pt;">Opening up new avenues of exploration and collaboration, and showing how researchers might look beyond the usual problems, refine the mainstream trends, and rework the obvious questions, this collection demonstrates how the Irish perspective remains relevant for international researchers interested in punishment and history.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Johns, Diana, Catherine Flynn, Maggie Hall, Claire Spivakovsky, and Shelley Turner.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. <i>Co-production and Criminal Justice.</i> Routledge. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.routledge.com/Co-production-and-Criminal-Justice/Johns-Flynn-Hall-Spivakovsky-Turner/p/book/9780367349028" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This book explores practical examples of co-production in criminal justice research and practice. Through a series of seven case studies, the authors examine what people do when they co-produce knowledge in criminal justice contexts: in prisons and youth detention centres; with criminalised women; from practitioners’ perspectives; and with First Nations communities.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Co-production holds a promise: that people whose lives are entangled in the criminal justice system can be valued as participants and partners, helping to shape how the system works. But how realistic is it to imagine criminal justice "service users" participating, partnering, and sharing genuine decision-making power with those explicitly holding power over them?<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Taking a sophisticated yet accessible theoretical approach, the authors consider issues of power, hierarchy, and different ways of knowing to understand the perils and possibilities of co-production under the shadow of "justice". In exploring these complexities, this book brings cautious optimism to co-production partners and project leaders.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Kleinstuber, Ross, Jeremiah Coldsmith, Margaret E. Leigey, and Sandra Joy.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. <i>Life Without Parole: Worse Than Death? </i>Routledge. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.routledge.com/Life-Without-Parole-Worse-Than-Death/Kleinstuber-Coldsmith-Leigey-Joy/p/book/9780367752699?gclid=EAIaIQobChMI1LS0pJ3s-QIVE8zICh122wdcEAAYASAAEgKOD_D_BwE" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This book is an in-depth critical examination of all pertinent aspects of life without parole (LWOP). Empirically assessing key arguments that advance LWOP, including as an alternative to the death penalty, it reveals that not only is the punishment cruel while not providing any societal benefits, it is actually detrimental to society.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Over the last 30 years, LWOP has exploded in the United States. While the use of capital punishment over that same time period has declined, it must be recognized that LWOP is, in fact, a hidden death sentence. It is, however, implemented in a way that allows society to largely ignore this truth. While capital punishment has rightfully been subject to intense debate and scholarship, LWOP has mostly escaped such scrutiny. In fact, LWOP has been touted by both death penalty abolitionists and tough-on-crime conservatives, which has allowed it to flourish under the radar. Specifically, abolitionists have advanced LWOP as a palatable alternative to capital punishment, which they perceive as inhumane, error-prone, costly, and racially biased. Conservatives, meanwhile, advocate for LWOP as an effective means of fighting crime, a just form of retribution, and necessary tool for managing incorrigible offenders. This book seeks to tap into and help inform this growing debate by subjecting these key arguments to empirical scrutiny. The results of those analyses fail to produce any evidence in support of any of those various justifications and therefore suggest that LWOP should be abolished and replaced with life sentences that come with parole eligibility after a maximum of 25 years.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">The book will be of great interest to students and scholars of criminology and criminal justice and will also have crossover appeal into the fields of law, political science, and sociology. It will also appeal to criminal justice professionals, lawmakers, activists, and attorneys, as well as death penalty abolitionists, opponents of mass incarceration, advocates for sentencing reform, and supporters of prisoners’ rights.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Miller, Esmorie.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. <i>Race, Recognition and Retribution in Contemporary Youth Justice: The Intractability Malleability Thesis.</i> Routledge. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.routledge.com/Race-Recognition-and-Retribution-in-Contemporary-Youth-Justice-The-Intractability/Miller/p/book/9781138488793#:~:text=Race%2C%20Recognition%20and%20Retribution%20in%20Contemporary%20Youth%20Justice,contemporary%20youth%20justice%20practice%20in%20Canada%20and%20England" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">Race, Recognition and Retribution in Contemporary Youth Justice provides a cross-national, sociohistorical investigation of the legacy of racial discrimination, which informs contemporary youth justice practice in Canada and England. The book links racial disparities in youth justice, especially exclusion from ideologies of care and notions of future citizenship, with historical practices of exclusion.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Sozzo<i>, </i>Máximo (Ed.).</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> 2022. <i>Prisons, Inmates and Governance in Latin America</i>. Palgrave Macmillan. [More information </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-030-98602-5" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">This edited collection addresses the topic of prison governance which is crucial to our understanding of contemporary prisons in Latin America. It presents social research from Nicaragua, the Dominican Republic, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Brazil, Peru, Uruguay and Argentina to examine the practices of governance by the prisoners themselves in each unique setting in detail. High levels of variation in the governance practices are found to exist, not only between countries but also within the same country, between prisons and within the same prison, and between different areas. The chapters make important contributions to the theoretical concepts and arguments that can be used to interpret the emergence, dynamics and effects of these practices in the institutions of confinement of the region. The book also addresses the complex task of explaining why these types of practices of governance happen in Latin American prisons as some of them appear to be a legacy of a remote past but others have arisen more recently. It makes a vital contribution to the fundamental debate for prison policies in Latin America about the alternatives that can be promoted.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">PUBLIC SCHOLARSHIP<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Lageson, Sarah.</span></b><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> July 18, 2022. “‘Clean Slate’ Justice Laws Offer a Second Chance—Only to Some.” <i>WIRED. </i>[Access it </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.wired.com/story/clean-slate-law-race/" style="color: purple;"><span style="color: #548dd4; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 10pt;">States are trying to automate criminal record clearance. But what if they end up amplifying racial disparities?<o:p></o:p></span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-51281148160344101172022-04-13T12:16:00.004-07:002022-04-13T12:16:59.697-07:00Member Publications: April 2022 Edition<p> <span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif; text-align: center;">LAW AND SOCIETY ASSOCIATION</span></p><p align="center" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Collaborative Research Network: Punishment and Society</span></b><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif;"> </span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif;">Organizers:<br />Hadar Aviram, UC Hastings College of Law, USA <o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif;">Ashley Rubin, University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa, USA<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif;"> </span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif;"> </span></p><p align="center" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS <o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p align="center" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">April 2022</span></b><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> </span></u></b></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">ARTICLES<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Cooper-Knock, S. J. and Gail Super. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">(equal co-authors) 2022. “Civic-Led Banishment in South Africa: Punishment, Authority, and Spatialised Precarity.” <i>Antipode</i> 54(1): 174-196. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anti.12771" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Civic-led banishment, a fundamentally spatial punishment, is an understudied phenomenon in South Africa and beyond. We define it as “a punitive spatial practice, enacted by non-state actors in response to alleged criminality or deviance, which attempts varying degrees of socio-spatial expulsion over time”. This definition lays the framework for a socio-spatial analysis of punishment, and yields insights into the exercise of socio-spatial control in public and private space. We emphasise the specific challenges associated with banishment, together with the relationship between space, punishment, public authority, and sovereignty. We demonstrate how “negotiations” around banishment trade off two forms of intersecting precarity: those faced by residents in informal settlements and the potential precarity of public authorities. Finally, we argue that an exploration of all forms of punishment through the lens of socio-spatial expulsion enables us to tap into conversations around penal abolitionism.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Davis, Andrew P., Michael Gibson-Light, Eric Bjorklund, and Teron Nunley. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">2022. “Institutional Arrangements and Power Threat: Diversity, Democracy, and Punitive Attitudes.” <i>Justice Quarterly</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/07418825.2022.2045343" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">This research synthesizes studies on crime and punishment, work in political sociology, and race and ethnicity scholarship in order to theorize and empirically examine the democratic foundations of group threat theory. We argue that ethnic diversity is particularly threatening when coupled with robust democratic institutions that empower individuals to pose challenges to the extant political and social order. Making use of recent measurement advances in the study of democracy, this article uses multi-level modeling techniques across 39,926 survey respondents in 27 countries from the fifth wave of the European Social Survey to test the extent to which punitive attitudes toward criminals were associated with interaction effects of an index of ethnic diversity and democratic quality. Results strongly confirm our theoretical predictions that robust democratic institutions condition the effect of ethnic fractionalization on punitive attitudes in Europe.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">de Souza, Poppy and Emma K. Russell. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">2022. “Sensing the border(s): Sound and carceral intimacies in and beyond indefinite detention.” <i>Crime, Media, Culture</i>. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/17416590221081165" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">This article examines a sound-based digital project co-created with refugees and asylum seekers held in indefinite detention in Australia and Papua New Guinea to advance understandings of the sensory violence of borders – and resistance to borders – and their reordering of intimate realms. In where are you today (2020), refugees/asylum seekers catalogued their carceral environments in 10-minute sonic vignettes which were distributed to listeners daily via text message, for 30 consecutive days. Drawing on sensory methodologies and feminist orientations towards the intimate, the article considers how this sound project alerts us to an alternative sensory politics attuned to the quiet, quotidian and exhausting labour of resisting Australia’s racialised border regime. Through a close listening to selected recordings, we argue the intimacies shared through where are you today produce knowledge about embodied practices of care, breath, touch and waiting in indefinite detention. Networked, transborder sound projects can unsettle both incarcerated and non-incarcerated subjects’ relationships to their environments, opening affiliative possibilities for coming into relation with the border(s) in new ways. We conclude that the project’s creators forge and sustain carceral intimacies within and despite the border’s affective violence, and that sound is a particularly affective and evocative means of conveying and creating these intimacies, in and beyond indefinite detention.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Gibson-Light, Michael.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> 2022. “Remote Control: Horizontal Surveillance and the Gendering of Carceral Punishment.” <i>Theoretical Criminology</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/13624806221082094" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Research traditionally suggests that men incarcerated in the USA regard horizontal surveillance—that is, monitoring the behaviors of other prisoners—as antithetical to notions of masculinity behind bars. Yet, following an 18-month ethnography in a US prison for men, this article reveals that the imprisoned may in fact embrace prisoner-on-prisoner monitoring tied to labor. It details how participants in this institution sought out peer surveillants who had the power to grant referrals to more desirable jobs. Within prison worksites, individuals further policed peers’ production and service quality. Labor-based horizontal surveillance was integral to performances of masculinity related to employment status and work ethic. Drawing on labor scholarship as well as studies of surveillance in other penal settings, this article reveals how supervision maps onto gendered beliefs about work, offending, and contemporary American corrections in ways that contribute to carceral agendas and broader systems of control.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Jiang, Jize and Jingwei Liu.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> 2022. “Penal Welfare or Penal Sovereignty? A Political Sociology of Recent Formalization of Chinese Community Corrections.” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/14624745221079793" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">In this study, we address two observed gaps in existing accounts on Chinese community corrections (hereafter CCC): 1) lack of multilevel understanding of this penal institution’s local variations in a highly centralized penal regime; 2) inadequate scrutiny of political logics of, and the authoritarian state’s significance in, its recent formal introduction. Those limits may inhibit adequate understandings of state power and punishment in an authoritarian polity like China. To that end, we argue for a multilayered and hybrid conceptualization of CCC as an assemblage of penal welfare and penal sovereignty to understand CCC’s formation and function. Fracturing the holistic entity of CCC, our study challenges the approach to viewing it as a system of singular logics and unifying structure, and contrasts three modes of operational practices across localities—bureaucratic, professionalization, and technology-dominant models. Moreover, our analysis of its political functions suggests that in effect penal sovereignty subjugates penal welfare within contemporary Chinese penality. Far from heralding the full-fledged rise of Chinese penal welfare, this legal formalization represents a space created for the authoritarian state to penetrate political ideologies, and to reclaim, consolidate and exercise sovereign power through managerial penal strategies in a rapidly developing and differentiating society.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Jouet, Mugambi.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> forthcoming 2022. “The Day Canada Said No to the Death Penalty in the United States: Innocence, Dignity, and the Evolution of Abolitionism.” <i>UBC Law Review</i>. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3971915" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Sociolegal scholarship has explored why the United States stands alone among Western democracies in retaining capital punishment. Yet the focus on America-Europe comparisons has obscured the twentieth anniversary of a landmark Canadian decision, United States v. Burns, barring the extradition of two men wanted for capital murder in America. Intriguingly, it emulated the evolution of American abolitionism by centering on the risk of executing the innocent; and declining to recognize capital punishment as an inherent violation of human dignity as in European law. This Article situates these events in their wider historical, societal, and comparative context, which offers a stepping stone to theorize key questions regarding the evolution of prisoners’ rights.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Miscarriages of justice have always existed and have been a constitutive issue in Western civilization, from the trials of Socrates and Jesus to the birth of the English of Bill of Rights onto the French Revolution and beyond. The tendency to cast innocence as a newfound problem has a neglected underside, as it partly stems from the “tough-on-crime” movement’s rise in American society since the 1980s. As empathy toward the guilty became illegitimate, the anti-death-penalty movement gravitated toward the innocent. Given the United States’ capacity to influence foreign debates, this approach found its way into the Supreme Court of Canada’s reasoning, thereby exemplifying how social actors may be tempted to avoid the normative issues surrounding the death penalty by focusing on innocence. However, abolitionism has had a humanistic component since the Enlightenment, which spurred a larger normative evolution recognizing human dignity as a benchmark of punishment in liberal democracies. Eclipsing human dignity from the death-penalty debate may thus reflect ambivalence toward prisoners’ rights, as attitudes toward capital punishment and imprisonment are intertwined. Despite having abolished the death penalty several decades ago, Canada and European nations remain ambivalent toward protecting prisoners’ human dignity. Meanwhile, the de-legitimization of dignity in the United States helps explain why mass incarceration parallels capital punishment’s retention. Dignity is nonetheless gaining traction as a legal principle in these societies and worldwide. At this critical juncture, the Article provides a window into under-studied chapters of history by analyzing the intersection of dignity, innocence, and liberal democracy.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Jouet, Mugambi.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> 2021. “Juveniles Are Not So Different: The Punishment of Juveniles and Adults at the Crossroads.” <i>Federal Sentencing Reporter</i> 33(4): 278-84. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3763704" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">The “juveniles are different” doctrine is gaining ground in America. It holds that children, unlike adults, should not receive merciless punishments like life without parole given their immaturity, impulsivity, and limited brain development. The doctrine’s impact has been both significant and modest because it operates in an exceptionally repressive context considering the advent of mass incarceration. Unless construed more broadly, it may help rationalize draconian sentences for adults and cement the status quo.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">This Article offers a wider historical and comparative perspective. Over time age has recurrently served to legitimize punitiveness toward children or adults. America has oscillated between deeming that juveniles deserve fewer rights than adults, that they deserve more rights or that they should essentially be treated the same. After diverse paradigm shifts, mass incarceration led to a downward-leveling process whereby juveniles were punished just as ruthlessly as adults. “Juveniles are different” was a reaction to this trend, although punitive assumptions undergird its rigid age carve-outs. This Article calls for a new phase: an upward-leveling process under which juveniles’ emerging right to be free from merciless punishments would apply to everyone. This is the norm in other Western democracies, which have gravitated toward universal human rights and moderate punishment. A broader outlook may spell the difference between a conception of “juveniles are different” casting adults as irredeemable and a stepping stone toward meaningful systemic reform.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Kupchik, Aaron.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> 2022. “Rethinking School Suspensions.” <i>Contexts</i> 21(1): 14-19. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15365042221083005" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">When used too frequently, exclusionary school punishment like out-of-school suspensions are ineffective and harmful. The harms to students are clear, though excessive use of school suspensions also impacts entire schools, students’ families, and communities. Because youth of color are at greater risk of school punishments, these harms disproportionately limit their life opportunities and exacerbate racial inequality. To better understand how and why we punish students the way we do, sociologists need to understand school punishment as rooted in a historical legacy of racial oppression and denial of educational opportunities to Black children.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Phelps, Michelle S., Christopher E. Robertson, and Amber Joy Powell.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> 2021. “‘We're still dying quicker than we can effect change’: #BlackLivesMatter and the Limits of 21st-Century Policing Reform.” <i>American Journal of Sociology</i> 127(3): 867-903. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/717671" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Black Lives Matter protests in the mid-2010s thrust police violence into the public spotlight, highlighting the stark racial divide in experiences with law enforcement and prompting a wave of police reform. We examine how residents in low-income neighborhoods on the Northside of Minneapolis, Minnesota, made sense of this focus on police violence and reform across racial lines. Drawing on interviews with a diverse sample of 112 adults, we show that there was broad consensus on the social problem of racialized police violence, but Black residents perceived the problem as more severe, more persistent, and in need of more dramatic forms of racial redressment than their white neighbors.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Phelps, Michelle S., Anneliese Ward, and Dwjuan Frazier.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> 2021. “From Police Reform to Police Abolition? How Minneapolis Activists Fought to Make Black Lives Matter.” <i>Mobilization: An International Quarterly</i> (Special Issue on the Black Lives Movement) 26(4): 421–441. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://meridian.allenpress.com/mobilization/article/26/4/421/475916/FROM-POLICE-REFORM-TO-POLICE-ABOLITION-HOW" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">The murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis Police Department (MPD) officers in 2020 was a watershed moment, triggering protests across the country and unprecedented promises by city leaders to “end” the MPD. We use interviews and archival materials to understand the roots of this decision, tracing the emergent split between activists fighting for police reform and police abolition in the wake of the initial Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests in Minneapolis. We compare the frames used by these two sets of movement actors, arguing that abolitionists deployed more radical frames to disrupt hegemonic understandings of policing, while other activists fought to resonate with the existing discursive structure. After years of police reform, Floyd’s death and the rebellion that followed gave abolitionist discourses more resonance. In the discussion, we consider the future of public safety in Minneapolis and its implications for understanding frame resonance in Black movements.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Rennie, Ailie and Ben Crewe. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">2022. “‘Tightness’, autonomy and release: The anticipated pains of release and life licencing.” <i>The British Journal of Criminology</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/bjc/advance-article/doi/10.1093/bjc/azac008/6542870" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">This article explores how men serving mandatory life sentences in England and Wales anticipate life after release and the imposition of a life licence. It reports the various ways that lifers feared licencing as being exceedingly ‘tight’ and restrictive, sometimes resulting in them retreating from release altogether. At the same time, some participants reported a motivation to embrace the ‘tightness’ of their impending licence conditions, and use penal power as a means of structuring life on release. Whether they resisted or embraced penal intervention, all participants altered their aspirations to what seemed achievable upon release when subject to numerous conditions. Specifically, the article argues that the anticipation of a particular mode of penal power has a material effect on lifers’ approach to release.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Rountree, Meredith M. and Mary R. Rose.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> 2021. “The Complexities of Conscience: Reconciling Death Penalty Law with Capital Jurors’ Concerns.” <i>Buffalo Law Review</i> 69(5): 1237-1328. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/buffalolawreview/vol69/iss5/1/" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Jurors exercise unique legal power when they are asked to decide whether to sentence someone to death. The Supreme Court emphasizes the central role of the jury’s moral judgment in making this sentencing decision, noting that it is the jurors who are best able to “express the conscience of the community on the ultimate question of life or death.” Manylower courts nevertheless narrow the range of admissible evidence at the mitigation phase of a capital trial, insisting on a standard of legal relevance that interferes with the jury’s ability to exercise the very moral judgment the Supreme Court has deemed essential.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Combining moral theory and original empirical evidence, this Article breaks new ground by linking these to a legal framework that gives full effect to the Supreme Court’s vision of the jury. Aided by a novel dataset of federal capital jury verdict forms, this Article focuses on three types of evidence frequently excluded in state and federal courts: the impact of the defendant’s execution on loved ones, co-participant sentences, and the government’s negligent facilitation of the murder.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">The data show that jurors consistently find all three forms of evidence highly relevant to their mitigation deliberations. Further, two of these—execution impact evidence and co-participant sentences—have a statistically significant correlation with the jurors’ sentencing decision. This Article’s empirical and moral account of juror behavior strongly supports expanding the admissibility of this evidence to reflect the Supreme Court’s evolution in defining the relevance of mitigating evidence as a moral—rather than legalistic—question, appropriately recognizing the jury’s normative role.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Super, Gail.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> 2022. “Cars, Compounds and Containers: Judicial and Extrajudicial Infrastructures of Punishment in the ‘Old’ and ‘New’ South Africa.” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/14624745221079456" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">This paper examines non-state infrastructures of vigilante violence in marginalized spaces in South Africa. I argue that car trunks, shacks, containers, and other everyday receptacles function as the underside of official institutions, such as prisons and police lock-ups, and bear historical imprints of the extrajudicial punishments inflicted on black bodies during colonialism and apartheid. I focus on two techniques: forcing someone into the trunk of a vehicle and driving them around to locate stolen property, and confinement in garages, shacks, containers, or local public spaces. Whereas in formerly ‘whites only’ areas, residents have access to insurance, guards, gated communities, fortified fences, and well-resourced neighbourhood watches, in former black townships and informal settlements, this is not the case. Here, the boot, the shack, the shed, the car, and the minibus taxi play multiple roles, including as vectors and spaces of confinement, torture, and execution. Thus, spatiotemporality affects both how penal forms permeate space and time, and how space and time constitute penal forms. These vigilante kidnappings and forcible confinements are not mere instances of gratuitous violence. Instead, they mimic, distort, and amplify the violence that underpins the state's unrealized monopoly over the violence inherent in its claims to police and punish.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Super, Gail and Ana Ballesteros Pena</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">. 2022. “Violence and Bordering on the Margins of the State: A View From South Africa and the Southern Border of Spain.” <i>Theoretical Criminology</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/13624806221076422" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">This article examines expulsions in and around the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla and in informal settlements in former black townships in South Africa. These violent bordering processes expose the violent injustices that constitute the boundaries of lawful (liberal) law, and the violence that sovereigns use to secure territories. Drawing on Walter Benjamin we make three main theoretical arguments. First, that the bordering processes in our case studies are instances of law (and State) preserving violence. Second, that absence and responsibilization are central techniques for invisibilizing the role of violence in preserving law, and that abdication of jurisdiction is key to the exercise of state sovereignty. Third, that when the State preserves itself through sharing its monopoly over violence the fictitious distinction between law and violence collapses. We use the term ‘borderline lawful violence’ to highlight the precarious nature of the boundary between lawful and unlawful violence.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Wulff, Stephen. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">2022. “Flipping the ‘New Penology’ Script: Police Misconduct Insurance, Grassroots Activism, and Risk Management-Based Reform.” <i>Law & Social Inquiry</i> 47(1): 162-204. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/law-and-social-inquiry/article/flipping-the-new-penology-script-police-misconduct-insurance-grassroots-activism-and-risk-managementbased-reform/688BE658B489268742C078E5DF472E4A" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Through a multi-method qualitative case study, I examine the failed 2016 ballot campaign of the Committee for Professional Policing (CfPP), a police accountability group in Minneapolis, Minnesota. In attempting to make Minneapolis the first city nationwide to require police to carry professional liability insurance, the CfPP turned the logic of Malcolm M. Feeley and Jonathan Simon’s “new penology” paradigm onto police. Their thesis argues that a contemporary penal shift occurred away from rehabilitation toward managing aggregates of dangerous criminal categories through risk management approaches. I extend their thesis in a new direction by examining how—in the emerging age of “algorithmic risk governance”—social movement organizations, like the CfPP, are starting to invert the new penology onto criminal justice personnel. In flipping the script, the CfPP called for a new private insurance market using mandatory police misconduct insurance to manage aggregates of dangerous police officers. After highlighting how the CfPP developed new penological objectives, discourses, and technologies, I discuss the implications of grassroots groups adopting and redefining traditional penal logics and propose future research avenues.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS <o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Corda, Alessandro and Johannes Kaspar.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> 2022. “Collateral consequences of criminal conviction in the United States and Germany.” Pp. 392-437 in <i>Core Concepts in Criminal Law and Criminal Justice</i>. <i>Vol. 2</i>, edited by Kai Ambos, Antony Duff, Alexander Heinze, Julian Roberts, and Thomas Weigend. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/core-concepts-in-criminal-law-and-criminal-justice/collateral-consequences-of-criminal-conviction-in-the-united-states-and-germany/A7079E9DCE037A747379114BC16ED302" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">The chapter focuses on so-called collateral consequences of criminal conviction. Especially in the US, these are usually defined as civil restrictions and disabilities flowing from a conviction burdening individuals during the re-entry process. However, we argue, the term should also encompass those penalties and measures that are additional or ancillary to the main punishment, and yet internal to the criminal law and imposed at the sentencing stage of the criminal process. The chapter maps the rise, development and current state of collateral consequences, focusing in particular on the United States and Germany. We begin with a systematic overview of the two legal traditions considered, outlining the history and reality of collateral consequences and analysing their nature and functions (both stated and latent). After discussing the classification and understanding of collateral sanctions in the Anglo-American and German contexts, we focus on what safeguards exist and are applied (or neglected) in the two legal orders to prevent such penalties from having a disproportionate and cumulative burdensome effect on ex-offenders. We conclude with a discussion of the theoretical rationales offered to justify collateral consequences, putting forward modest reform proposals for a new approach from a criminal justice perspective We argue that, regardless of formal punitive labels, onerous collateral consequences should be (if not abolished) at least integrated as much as possible within the sentencing process, making them transparent and enabling courts to ensure the overall proportionality of the ‘sanctioning package’ arising from a criminal conviction.<span style="background-color: yellow; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Dal Santo, Luiz Phelipe.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> 2022. “Killing and Letting Die: Depicting the Brazilian Conundrum Between Police Killings and Private Lethal Practices.” Pp. 329-349 in <i>Guns, Gun Violence and Gun Homicides</i>, edited by Wendell C. Wallace. Palgrave Macmillan. [More information </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-84518-6_15" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Rates of imprisonment have long been used to compare levels of punitiveness among nations. The lower they are, the more tolerant a society is considered to be. Some authors have argued this may be misleading though, since it does not provide us with a full picture of penal practices and their harshness. In this chapter, I explore two aspects of the Brazilian case which can contribute to this debate on punishment and society. In so doing, I highlight two common punitive practices in the Global South, despite them being overlooked in the Northern literature. Drawing on secondary and official data, I first analyze the high levels of homicide in the country and the lack of state intervention—be it punishment or mere investigation. I then turn my attention to the police lethal action, another systemic practice in peripheral countries. While the first scenario indicates the so-called ‘absence of the State’ (and the police) constitutes a condition for the reproduction of tens of thousands of homicides per year, state interventions can also be problematic, resulting in other thousands of deaths. Here lies a duality of the Brazilian state: killing and letting die. In both contexts, guns are the instrument used in the vast majority of the killings. Therefore, guns are used both as means of solving private conflicts and as the state exercise of power, meaning that they play a key role in the Brazilian society, particularly in terms of producing (dis)order and social control.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Kaufman, Sarah Beth, William Christ, and Habiba Noor.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> 2022. <i>To Be Honest: Voices on Donald Trump's Muslim Ban</i>. Trinity University Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://tupress.org/9781595349514/to-be-honest/" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">To Be Honest is a documentary theatre script and series of essays reflecting on the ways Muslims are perceived and spoken of in the contemporary United States. With funding from a Mellon Foundation grant, researchers conducted more than two hundred hours of qualitative interviews in Texas with people across religious and political spectrums, during the lead-in to the 2016 Presidential election. To Be Honest was born from these interviews, illuminating Americans' vastly different experiences with Islam, from evangelicals who work to convert Muslims with the aim of “helping them achieve peace” to Muslim youth who struggle to make sense of why society dissects their religion. Students, scholars, readers, and theatergoers will find a valuable tool for examining their own biases and encouraging dialogue across ideological perspectives.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Schept, Judah.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> 2022<i>. Coal, Cages, Crisis: The Rise of the Prison Economy in Central Appalachia</i>. New York University Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://nyupress.org/9781479858972/coal-cages-crisis/" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">"As the United States began the project of mass incarceration, rural communities turned to building prisons as a strategy for economic development. More than 350 prisons have been built in the U.S. since 1980, with certain regions of the country accounting for large shares of this dramatic growth. Central Appalachia is one such region; there are eight prisons alone in Eastern Kentucky. If Kentucky were its own country, it would have the seventh highest incarceration rate in the world. In Coal, Cages, Crisis, Judah Schept takes a closer look at this stunning phenomenon, providing insight into prison growth, jail expansion and rising incarceration rates in America’s hinterlands.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Drawing on interviews, site visits, and archival research, Schept traces recent prison growth in the region to the rapid decline of its coal industry. He takes us inside this startling transformation occurring in the coalfields, where prisons are often built on top of old coalmines, including mountaintop removal sites, and built into community planning approaches to crises of unemployment, population loss, and declining revenues. By linking prison growth to other sites in this landscape—coal mines, coal waste, landfills, and incinerators—Schept shows that the prison boom has less to do with crime and punishment and much more with the overall extraction, depletion, and waste disposal processes that characterize dominant development strategies for the region.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Schept argues that the future of this area now hangs in the balance, detailing recent efforts to oppose its carceral growth. Coal, Cages, Crisis offers invaluable insight into the complex dynamics of mass incarceration that continue to shape Appalachia and the broader United States."<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">BOOK REVIEWS<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Dwyer, Patrick. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">2022. Book review: Disruptive prisoners: Resistance, reform, and the new deal. By Chris Clarkson and Melissa Munn. <i>Law & Society Review</i> 56(1): 146-147 [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/lasr.12592" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">PUBLIC SCHOLARSHIP</span></u></b><u><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></u></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Bardelli, Tommaso, Ruqauyah Zarook, and Derick McCarthy. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA">March 7, 2022. “How Corporations Turned Prison Tablets Into a Predatory Scheme.” <i>Dissent Magazine</i>. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/corporations-prison-tablets-predatory-scheme" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">“Prison iPads” became a lifeline during the pandemic. They also became a new way to squeeze money out of the incarcerated and their families.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-34319917390218496232021-11-16T22:18:00.002-08:002021-11-16T22:18:35.222-08:00Members' Publications: November Edition <div style="text-align: right;"><i>As compiled by Kaitlyn Quinn</i></div><p> <span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif; text-align: center;">LAW AND SOCIETY ASSOCIATION</span></p><p align="center" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Collaborative Research Network: Punishment and Society</span></b><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif;"><br /></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Organizers:</span></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Hadar Aviram, UC Hastings College of Law, USA <o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Ashley Rubin, University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa, USA<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif;"> </span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif;"> </span></p><p align="center" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS <o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p align="center" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">November 2021</span></b><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> </span></u></b></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">ARTICLES<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Belt, Rabia</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">.<b> </b>2021. “Mass Institutionalization and Civil Death.” <i>NYU Law Review</i> 96(4): 857-900. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.nyulawreview.org/issues/volume-96-number-4/mass-institution-and-civil-death/" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Most scholars who study felon disenfranchisement trace its roots back to Reconstruction. Southern states drew up laws to disenfranchise people convicted of felonies as an ostensibly race-neutral way to diminish the political power of newly freed Black Americans. Viewed against this historical backdrop, the onset of mass incarceration in the current era expands the impact of a practice intended to be both racist and punitive from the start. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">This account is true, but it is incomplete. Non-criminal mass institutionalization has also played—and continues to play—a role in systematic disenfranchisement. Marshaling a wealth of archival and historical evidence, from newspapers, legislative debates, congressional hearings, and court cases, I reveal that institutional disenfranchisement is not just about mass incarceration—a singular phenomenon sparked by the Civil War that happens solely within the carceral state and targeted only freed Black people. Institutional disenfranchisement began much earlier, included more spaces than the prison, and initially targeted white men. Indeed, the more familiar prison disenfranchisement had a shadowy twin within the welfare state. Civil death includes more ghosts than previously imagined.</span><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Ben-Natan, Smadar</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">.<b> </b>2021. “Self-Proclaimed Human Rights Heroes: The Professional Project of Israeli Military Judges.” <i>Law & Social Inquiry</i> 46(3):755-787. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/law-and-social-inquiry/article/abs/selfproclaimed-human-rights-heroes-the-professional-project-of-israeli-military-judges/98859771C8DD61E10A67F2229A55F079" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">This article explores the cooptation of human rights discourse by looking into how Israeli military judges in the Occupied Palestinian Territories use human rights as professional capital. Previous research into human rights arguments legitimizing the Israeli occupation remained confined to a unitary image of the state. Here, I dissect the separate professional project of military judges. Optimizing a self-congratulatory argument, judges portray themselves as human rights heroes of Palestinians. But while independent judicial activism would criticize human rights violations by the state, military judges use human rights as synonymous with legal professionalism, while avoiding criticism and sidestepping human rights’ challenge to state power.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Using a multimethod approach including analysis of judicial decisions, academic articles by military judges, and in-depth interviews, I argue that between 2000 and 2010, Israeli military judges were responding to a professional legitimacy crisis by what I call mimetic convergence. Relying on new institutionalism and postcolonial theory, mimetic convergence produces belonging and mobility for a professional subgroup that experiences alienation in the “colony” through convergence with the specific characteristics of the legal community of the “metropole.” Mimicking the state instead of criticizing it permits the two projects—promoting military judges professionally and legitimizing the state’s colonial occupation—to coalesce.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Ben-Natan, Smadar</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">. 2021. “The Dual Penal Empire: Emergency Powers and Military Courts in Palestine/Israel and Beyond.” <i>Punishment & Society</i> (Special Issue: Legacies of Empire). Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/14624745211040311?casa_token=Ihf3UTmvUA4AAAAA%3ATjWYUQIkNFUdeCtCCvvyMuQdR9IVlJKmBg1RBXhAS-A5B4oynzs5l7n2nYhQE5nmUxICHapU7ul5xw&journalCode=puna" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">This article explores the duality of emergency powers and criminal law in old and new formations of empire. Set against the backdrop of the US “war on terror,” I link discussions around current articulations of empire and the treatment of “enemy combatants,” illuminating new connections between empire, emergency, and “enemy penology.” Focusing on Palestine/Israel, I explore the duality created by emergency powers and criminal law from the late British Empire to contemporary Israel/Palestine as an “imperial formation.” Through a genealogy of emergency legislation, military courts, and two case studies from the 1980s Israel, I show how emergency powers constitute a penal regime that complements ordinary criminal law through prosecutions of racialized enemy populations under a distinct exclusionary and punitive legality. Building on Markus Dubber's Dual Penal State, I demonstrate how the—openly illiberal—dual penal empire (i) suppresses political resistance (insurgency, rebellion, and terrorism) and (ii) institutionalizes enemy penology through emergency statutes and military courts. Thus, in imperial formations, such as Israel and the US—which deny their illiberal features—emergency powers are framed as preventive security and denied as part of the penal system, while enemy penology operates in plain sight.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Friedman, Brittany</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">. 2021. “Toward a Critical Race Theory of Prison Order in the Wake of COVID-19 and Its Afterlives: When Disaster Collides with Institutional Death by Design.” <i>Sociological Perspectives</i> 64(5): 689-705. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/07311214211005485" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">In this article, I bridge critical sociological perspectives on penal institutions with insights from the sociology of disaster to advance a critical race theory of prison order in the wake of COVID-19 and its afterlives. Penal institutions officially categorize people as detainees, inmates, or prisoners in order to deliberately relegate human beings to a degraded social status, ultimately in service of an intentionally racist system. I theorize why prisons are natural epicenters for COVID-19, identifying the following institutional parameters as social factors: (1) death is by institutional design, where prison order is arranged so that people categorized as prisoners die socially, psychically, and physically; (2) promoting institutional survival rather than human survival is second nature during a disaster because the preexisting social organization of prison life serves this purpose; and (3) when a disaster strikes causing severe loss to people and resources, uncertainty is managed by implementing strategies that magnify the death(s) of incarcerated people in exchange for the life of the institution.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Gurusami, Susila and Rahim Kurwa</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> (equal authors). 2021 “From Broken Windows to Broken Homes: Homebreaking as Racialized and Gendered Poverty Governance.” <i>Feminist Formations</i> 33(1): 1-32. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/793669" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Broken windows policing is traditionally understood as a tactic of governing public space, but in this essay, we show how this mode of policing also constitutes a war on domestic space. We take up Joy James’s call to investigate how the domestic of domestic warfare necessitates an understanding of the home and household, and we ask how the state leverages broken windows–style policing to govern the home. Drawing from three different cases in Los Angeles County—gang injunctions, post- release supervision, and housing vouchers—we use ethnographic data, interviews, and court filings to show how the state treats the homes of people of color as broken sites of disorder. We contend that it is the state that engages in homebreaking, not the residents. Contextualized within Black feminist scholarship, we identify homebreaking as the state’s attempt to break the home as a site of social reproduction and refuge from oppression, one of many state practices that fracture families of color and their homes, and we identify and examine two such stages of homebreaking: spying—surveillance of the home in ways that mark everyday behaviors and conditions as disordered and punishable; and raiding—punitive state intrusion that forces changes on the home or leads to punishment for perceived disorder.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Hanan, M. Eve</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2021. “Incarcerated Activism During Covid-19.” <i>Ohio State Journal of Criminal Law</i> 18(2): 475-513. [Access it <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3759074" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Incarcerated people have a notoriously difficult time advocating for themselves. Like other authoritarian institutions, prisons severely curtail and often punish speech, organizing, and self-advocacy. Also, like other authoritarian institutions, prison administrators are inclined to suppress protest rather than respond to the grounds for protest. Yet, despite impediments to their participation, incarcerated people have organized during the pandemic, advocating for themselves through media channels, public forums, and the courts. Indeed, a dramatic increase in incarcerated activism correlates with the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.<br /><br />Just as the COVID-19 pandemic highlights injustice in other areas of criminal legal practices, it reveals both the dangers of silencing incarcerated speech and the potential for prisoner self-advocacy. This essay discusses silencing and speech in carceral spaces during the COVID-19 pandemic, using a theory of political philosophy called epistemic injustice. The theory of epistemic injustice addresses how disfavored social groups are excluded from sharing knowledge in public conversations. The stifling of prisoner speech occurs in part because incarcerated people are deliberately separated from the outside world. But it also reflects their status as a stigmatized—and thus discredited—group. Even when their speech is heard, it is discounted as manipulative and untrustworthy.<br /><br />Second, this essay argues that the self-advocacy efforts made by incarcerated people during the pandemic demonstrate the democratic value of their participation. Among the necessary predicates to meaningful change in criminal legal practices is the democratic participation of the targets of those practices, including suspects, criminal defendants, and prisoners. Their participation in the political sphere serves a vital democratic function the absence of which is felt not only in the authoritarian structure of prisons, but in the failure to enact widespread change to criminal legal practices.</span><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Hyatt, Jordan M., Valerio Baćak, and Erin M. Kerrison</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">.<b> </b>2021. “COVID-19 vaccine refusal and related factors: Preliminary findings from a system-wide survey of correctional staff.” <i>Federal Sentencing Reporter </i>33(4): 272–277. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://online.ucpress.edu/fsr/article-abstract/33/4/272/117129/COVID-19-Vaccine-Refusal-and-Related?redirectedFrom=fulltext" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Since the global pandemic began in early 2020, COVID-19 has impacted almost every correctional facility in the country. In Pennsylvania, the pandemic response has required significant changes to the operation of correctional facilities and necessitated a reconsideration of the risks and responsibilities for staff. Although the risks of viral infection are not a completely new concern for people working in prisons, the highly transmissible coronavirus and the near-universal nature of the resulting pandemic has potentially changed how health and safety are viewed. To better understand these concerns, the staff of the PADOC was surveyed to allow them to self-report their perceptions of the pandemic response, the need for vaccination, and other relevant areas. This independent report draws on these data to provide insight into the current perspective held by the PADOC staff population regarding vaccination and some of the factors that are associated with that decision. In turn, these descriptive data can be used to inform the development of evidence-based public health and correctional policies during the pandemic.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Kirk, Gabriela, April D. Fernandes, and Brittany Friedman</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">. 2020. “Who Pays for the Welfare State? Austerity Politics and the Origin of Pay-to-Stay Fees as Revenue Generation.” <i>Sociological Perspectives</i> 63(6): 921-938. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0731121420967037" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Using a comparative historical analysis of legislative transcripts and primary and secondary historical documents in Illinois and Michigan, we trace the adoption of a largely understudied form of monetary sanction: pay-to-stay fees. Pay-to-stay fees are financial commitments imposed by the state on incarcerated individuals for the day-to-day cost of their incarceration. Our study identified two mutually constitutive bureaucratic motivations for the adoption of these fees—austerity as the primary rationale and deservingness as a secondary rationale. This analysis highlights an earlier conceptualization of monetary sanctions as a means of revenue generation than has previously been explored. Our findings suggest that pay-to-stay fees originated in these states from broader debates about who is ultimately fiscally responsible for the welfare state and the soaring costs of maintaining the rehabilitative ideal. During periods of fiscal crisis, state legislators have consistently looked toward this type of monetary sanction as a means to fund the correctional system.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Laursen, Julie and Ben Laws</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">. 2016. “Honour and respect in Danish prisons: Contesting ‘cognitive distortions’ in cognitive-behavioural programmes.” <i>Punishment & Society</i> 19(1): 74-95. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1462474516649175?journalCode=puna" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Using empirical data from prison-based cognitive-behavioural programmes, this article considers how prisoners’ subcultural capital shapes their responses to demands for ‘cognitive self-change’. We argue that accounts of ‘respect’ in the prior literature fail to capture how prisoners react to these programmes, and that a discussion of honour (and what we term ‘respect plus’) needs to be incorporated. The empirical material derives from four different cognitive-behavioural programme setups in three Danish prisons and semi-structured interviews with participants and course instructors. By attempting to create accountable and rational actors, who ‘self-manage’, the therapeutic ethos neglects participants’ life experiences and subcultural capital. Open expressions of moral values by prisoners (such as displays of honour and respect) are considered to be cognitive distortions which are dismissed by instructors, while alternative and ‘correct’ thinking styles are prescribed. Our findings advance understandings of the meanings of honour and respect in prisons in general and in cognitive-behavioural programmes in particular.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Lynch, Mona, Matt Barno, and Marisa Omori</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">.<b> </b>2021. “Prosecutors, court communities, and policy change: The impact of internal DOJ reforms on federal prosecutorial practices.” <i>Criminology</i> 52: 480-519. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/1745-9125.12275" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">The current study examines how key internal U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) policy changes have been translated into front-line prosecutorial practices. Extending courts-as-communities scholarship and research on policy implementation practices, we use U.S. Sentencing Commission data from 2004 to 2019 to model outcomes for several measures of prosecutorial discretion in federal drug trafficking cases, including the use of mandatory minimum charges and prosecutor-endorsed departures, to test the impact of the policy changes on case processing outcomes. We contrast prosecutorial measures with measures that are more impervious to discretionary manipulation, such as criminal history, and those that represent judicial and blended discretion, including judicial departures and final sentence lengths. We find a significant effect of the policy reforms on how prosecutorial tools are used across DOJ policy periods, and we find variation across districts as a function of contextual conditions, consistent with the court communities literature. We also find that a powerful driver of changes in prosecutorial practices during our most recent period is the confirmation of individual Trump-appointed U.S. Attorneys at the district level, suggesting an important theoretical place for midlevel actors in policy translation and implementation.</span><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Maier, Katharina, Rebecca Hume, and Bronwyn Dobchuk-Land</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2021. “Crisis in Criminology: Reflections on the Concept of Crisis in the Time of COVID-19.” <i>Annual Review of Interdisciplinary Justice Research</i> 10: 14-37. [Access it <a href="https://www.cijs.ca/volume-10" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">In this reflection paper, we explore the concept of crisis in criminology. Crisis is frequently used by criminologists as a defining and evaluative category in empirical examinations of policing and incarceration, for example. Despite its frequent use, the concept of crisis has received little attention in contemporary criminological work. We call on scholars in the field to recognize crisis as an important defining category in criminology. Crisis demands our critical attention as we not only navigate the current global health pandemic and the existing, deep-seated social crises that emanate from our penal institutions, but importantly, also observe how the former impacts the latter. To this end, we propose a range of considerations that we find particularly salient to criminologists in this time of crisis.</span><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> </span></b></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Maier, Katharina and Rosemary Ricciardelli</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">. 2021.<b> </b>“‘Prison didn’t change me, I have changed’: Narratives of change, self, and prison time.” <i>Criminology & Criminal Justice</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/17488958211031336" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Drawing on interview data with over 50 male former prisoners in Ontario, Canada, we examine male ex-prisoners’ narratives of change within prison settings. Specifically, we focus on how ex-prisoners talk about change to self and their persona, as they reflect back on both their pre-prison selves and the ways they believe prison changed them. We find that these ex-prisoners described prison as a time where they developed a more general sense of positive change. Ex-prisoners described how prison living made them “calmer,” “stronger,” and more “patient” overall. These descriptions stand in tension with the overall hostility of prison environments where prisoners are forced to focus on survival and basic well-being as they navigate the risks and threats of prison living. Overall, in this article, we seek to contribute to emerging discussions on positivity within prison settings, acknowledging that studying the more positive impacts of prison is a delicate yet important endeavor necessary to help better understand the experiential complexities of punishment.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Mamet, Elliot</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">. 2021. “Representation on the Periphery: The Past and Future of Non-Voting Members of Congress.” <i>American Political Thought</i> 10(3): 390-418. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/715010" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Nonvoting representatives, representing American Samoa, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico, the US Virgin Islands, and Washington, DC, inhabit a peripheral space within the US Congress. House rules bar them from voting on the floor, their authority derives not from the Constitution but from statute, and the office they hold can be revoked at the whims of Congress. Drawing on original archival research, this article sketches out three justifications given for this institution: that nonvoting members would increase information flows to the legislature, that they would incorporate peripheral territory prior to statehood, and that they would empower members to use tools besides voting to exercise political power. It then evaluates the normative status of nonvoting representation in democratic theory, arguing that representation without voting is incongruent with notions of consent and equal power required for democratic self-rule.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Page, Joshua and Joe Soss</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">. 2021. “The Predatory Dimensions of Criminal Justice.” <i>Science</i> 374(6565): 291-294. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.science.org/doi/full/10.1126/science.abj7782" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Over the past 35 years, public and private actors have turned US criminal justice institutions into a vast network of revenue-generating operations. Today, practices such as fines, fees, forfeitures, prison charges, and bail premiums transfer billions of dollars from oppressed communities to governments and corporations. Guided by scholarship on racial capitalism, we argue that to understand how and why criminal justice operates as it does today, one must attend to its predatory dimensions. Analytically and politically, the concept of predation connects diverse forms of criminal legal takings to one another, to the extractive regimes of earlier eras, and to contemporary businesses that financially exploit subjugated communities. Analyses that focus on predatory relations encourage a reconsideration of some dominant understandings in the study of criminal justice today.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Phelps, Michelle S. and Amber M. Hamilton</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">.<b> </b>2021. “Visualizing Injustice or Reifying Racism? Images in the Digital Media Coverage of the Killing of Michael Brown.” <i>Sociology of Race and Ethnicity</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/eprint/3NYAJVFAM4NWJMIVWDPY/full" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">The explosion of Black Lives Matter protests in the mid-2010s rendered visible state violence against Black Americans, producing a barrage of images and videos of lethal police violence and the protests that followed. These images served as a powerful site of contestation about the meaning of race and racism in the United States for both movement supporters and critics. We examine these dynamics through the lens of media coverage of the pivotal 2014 killing of Michael Brown by police officer Darren Wilson and the protests that followed in Ferguson, MO. Drawing from literatures on race, visuality, and media studies, we explore how media outlets pictured the killing of Michael Brown and the protests in Ferguson, either resisting or reproducing the white racial frame through the selection of images in their coverage. We analyze the images in digital media coverage across nine ideologically diverse media outlets in the month after Brown’s death and the month following the non-indictment of Officer Wilson. Across 1,303 articles, we show that most sites did not center images of violence against Brown, preferring instead images of Brown’s life and, more commonly, protesters and law enforcement. While we found few consistent differences in image categories preferred across outlets’ ideological profiles, the specific content and tone of these images starkly diverged, with liberal sites choosing humanizing images of Brown and protesters and conservative sites favoring criminalizing images. We conclude by considering the role media images play in mediating perceptions of race and racism.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Powell, Amber Joy and Michelle S. Phelps</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">. 2021. “Gendered Racial Vulnerability: How Women Confront Crime and Criminalization.” <i>Law & Society Review</i> 55(3): 429-451. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/lasr.12561?af=R" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Prior research illustrates how race-class subjugated communities are over-policed and under-protected, producing high rates of victimization by other community members and the police. Yet few studies explore how gender and race structure dual frustration, despite a long line of Black feminist scholarship on the interpersonal, gender-based, and state violence Black and other women of color face. Drawing on interviews with 53 women in Minneapolis from 2017 to 2019, we examine how gendered racial vulnerability to both crime and criminalization shape dual frustration toward the law. Findings illustrate that police fail to protect women of color from neighborhood and gender-based violence, while simultaneously targeting them and their families. Despite their spatial proximity to women of color, white women remained largely shielded from the dual frustration of crime and criminalization. Attention to the gendered racial dimensions of dual frustration offers an intersectional framework for understanding women's vulnerability to violence and cultural orientations toward the law.</span><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Ravid, Itay, Jordan Hyatt, and Steve Chanenson</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">. 2021.<b> </b>“A Dose of Dignity: Equitable Vaccination Policies for Incarcerated People and Correctional Staff During the Covid-19 Pandemic.” <i>Southern California Law Review Postscript </i>95(PS1). [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3921972" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Since its emergence in early 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic has altered the lives of millions of Americans. As it so often is during times of crisis, our most vulnerable communities have disproportionately suffered and were overlooked. Among these myriad communities, incarcerated people became a particularly potent symbol of our failure to handle the spread of the virus. In December 2020, a beacon of hope emerged with the introduction of new cutting-edge vaccines which promised to bring the world back to where it was just a year-and-a-half ago. Here again, however, policy and politics have led states to adopt different distribution plans that, broadly speaking, deprioritized incarcerated populations and in some cases correctional staff as well. While vaccinations are now much more widespread, things were dramatically different not too long ago. The first goal of this Essay is to ensure we memorialize how society, once again, failed to protect our incarcerated communities when they needed it the most. To illustrate this, we offer a data-driven analysis of the early state-level policies regarding vaccinations of people who live and work in prisons. Our findings show that vaccination policies tended to systematically ignore or disadvantage incarcerated individuals. We argue that by adopting such policies, states have neglected to comply with their legal obligations, grounded in existing and emerging Eighth Amendment jurisprudence and long-standing ethical responsibilities to proactively vaccinate this population. This is particularly true given that prisons are among the high-risk “congregate settings” that are widely recognized by health experts, and often by the states themselves, as deserving of immediate distribution of vaccines. Based on these obligations, and given recent new virus outbreaks and the realization that some form of COVID-19 is here to stay (and other pandemics may be around the corner), this Essay concludes with recommendations for the future.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Rubin, Ashley T</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">. 2021. “The Promises and Pitfalls of Path Dependence Frameworks for Analyzing Penal Change.” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/14624745211043543?journalCode=puna" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Although the study of penal changes throughout history is central to punishment studies, the field has taken little from historical institutionalists’ theories of institutional change. One of the most relevant such theories is path dependence. This article outlines path dependence frameworks’ most fruitful elements for studying penal change. Drawing on foundational political science and historical sociology texts, as well as several punishment scholars’ works, this article highlights the advantages of thinking through stasis and change, mechanisms of inertia such as feedback effects, and exogenous shocks. While path dependence offers a powerful framework, it can also be an unsatisfying explanation at times, particularly when path dependence is itself a seemingly uphill battle, when apparent stasis hides ongoing change, or when institutions survive hypothesized mechanisms of change. This paper closes by discussing some ways in which punishment scholars can strengthen the path dependence framework by blending it with recent theoretical developments in the punishment studies field.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Rubin, Ashley T</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">. 2021. “Revisiting ‘America’s Penal Experiments’ 100 Years Later.” <i>Howard Journal of Crime and Justice</i> (Special Issue on the Centenary of the Howard League for Penal Reform and the Howard Journal) 60(1): 29-37. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/hojo.12417" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">In 1921, American prison administrator and reformer, Spencer Miller, was invited to describe America’s recent penal developments to the Howard League for Penal Reform. This article reviews the context of Progressive Era American prisons to better understand Miller’s remarks and their lessons for prison administrators and reformers today. It briefly describes the history of American prisons into the Progressive Era as well as some developments that were most relevant to Miller, viz., the reforms at Sing Sing under famed penal reformer and warden, Thomas Mott Osborne. Next, the article reviews Miller’s statement to the Howard League for Penal Reform, including his inaccurate description of prison history, which can be read as a means of emphasising the extraordinary progress made by Osborne and, implicitly, by Miller at Sing Sing and as an example to the nation. Finally, it discusses Miller’s abolitionism in the context of similar discussions taking place today.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Russell, Emma K., Bree Carlton, and Danielle Tyson</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">.<b> </b>2021. “‘It’s a Gendered Issue, 100 Per Cent’: How Tough Bail Laws Entrench Gender and Racial Inequality and Social Disadvantage.” <i>International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy</i> 10(3). [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.crimejusticejournal.com/article/view/1882" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Women’s rates of remand, or pre-trial detention, have grown dramatically in Australia and the rates at which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women are incarcerated without conviction are particularly high. However, there is little research examining bail and remand practices and their relationship to social inequalities. This article presents findings from research on the drivers behind women’s increasing rates of custodial remand in Victoria—a jurisdiction that has significantly restricted access to bail through legislative reforms. Drawing on data derived from interviews with criminal defence and duty lawyers, we outline how bail and remand practices systematically disadvantage women experiencing housing insecurity and domestic and family violence (DFV), increasing their risk of becoming trapped in longer-term cycles of incarceration. Our analysis reinforces the need to move away from ‘tough on crime’ approaches to bail. It also highlights unintended consequences of DFV reforms, including further marginalising and punishing criminalised women who are victim-survivors.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Schliehe, Anna and Ben Crewe</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">.<b> </b>2021. “Top bunk, bottom bunk: Cellsharing in prisons.” <i>The British Journal of Criminology. </i>Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/bjc/advance-article/doi/10.1093/bjc/azab053/6321031" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">The politics involved in cell-sharing reach into the most personal parts of prisoners’ lives and are highly determinate of their experiences of imprisonment. While there is a small amount of research on the impact of cell-sharing on personal wellbeing and prison quality, much less has been written about the daily dynamics and significance of negotiating shared space under conditions of coercion. In this paper, based on in-depth research undertaken in England & Wales, we explore the experience of cell-sharing and how dynamics in the cell matter both intimately and socially. Essentially, we locate the cell as one of the primary sites of ‘where the action is’ in prisons, and where matters of safety, dignity and abjection are of particular relevance.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Sclofsky, Sebastián</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">. 2021. “Broken windows in the Rio de la Plata: Constructing the disorderly other.” <i>Criminological Encounters</i> 4(1): 31-49. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.crisresearchgroup.be/ojs/index.php/crimenc/article/view/66" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Since 2010, Uruguay has moved towards a tough-on-crime approach adopting Broken Windows and zero-tolerance policing. The interesting fact is that this tough-on-crime approach has been developed by a social democratic government, which, during its first administration, was committed to fight crime through social-democratic policies, rejecting the tough-on-crime approach. The policies and rhetoric developed by the left-wing government led to the criminalization of low-income communities and the construction of an “undeserving other,” adhering to a neoliberal logic of competition and security. As a consequence, the left-wing set the policy and institutional bases for an increase in mano dura and recent police violence with the electoral victory of the right-wing in 2019. This article examines this process and shows how the uncritical adoption of Broken Windows and other U.S. style policing initiatives can be extremely pernicious in Latin America.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Shaw, Emily, Mona Lynch, Sofia Laguna, and Steven Frenda</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">. 2021. “Race, witness credibility and jury deliberation in a simulated drug trafficking trial.” <i>Law & Human Behavior</i> 45: 215-228. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/buy/2021-72566-003" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Objective: The present study integrates several distinct lines of jury decision-making research by examining how the racial identities of the defendant and an informant witness interact in a federal drug conspiracy trial scenario and by assessing whether jurors' individual racial identity and jury group racial composition influence their judgments.<br /><br />Hypotheses: We predicted that jurors would be biased against the Black defendant and would be more likely to convict after exposure to a White informant, among other hypotheses.<br /><br />Method: We recruited 822 nonstudent jury-eligible participants assigned to 144 jury groups. Each group was assigned to one of four conditions where defendant race (Black or White) and informant race (Black or White) was manipulated. Each group watched a realistic audio-visual trial presentation, then deliberated as a group to render a verdict.<br /><br />Results: Contrary to expectations, the conditions depicting a Black defendant yielded lower conviction rates compared to those with a White defendant-at both the predeliberation individual (odds ratio [OR] = 1.54) and postdeliberation group level (OR = 2.91)-while the informant race did not influence verdict outcomes. We also found that jurors rated the government witnesses as more credible when the defendant was White compared to when he was Black. Credibility ratings and verdict outcomes were also predicted by jurors' own race, although juror race did not interact with the race conditions when predicting verdicts.<br /><br />Conclusions: Jurors are sensitive to defendant race, and this sensitivity appears to strengthen after deliberation-but in a direction opposite to what was expected. One potential implication of our findings is that juries may operate as a check on system bias by applying greater scrutiny to law enforcement-derived evidence when the defendant is Black. </span><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS <o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Barno, Matt and Mona Lynch</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">.<b> </b>2021. “Selecting charges.” Pp. 35-58 in <i>Handbook on Prosecutors and Prosecution, </i>edited by Ronald Wright, Kay Levine, and Russell Gold. New York: Oxford University Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190905422.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190905422-e-3" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<span style="background-color: yellow; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif; font-size: 10pt;">Prosecutorial discretion in charge selection has far-reaching consequences throughout the criminal adjudication process. Through their initial charging decisions, prosecutors not only determine who will be subject to the state’s penal power—they also define the terms under which defendants will strategize and negotiate to mitigate their potential punishment. This chapter provides an overview of the criminal charging process, including the legal parameters within which prosecutors exercise their charging discretion and how that discretion is exercised in practice. The chapter begins with a discussion of constitutional limits on the power to initiate criminal charges, as well as limits on the severity of charges. We describe how formal legal structures governing criminal sentencing interact with prosecutors’ power and incentives at the charging stage. We then review both the empirical literature documenting variations in charging practices and the key theoretical explanations for those variations. Finally, we summarize recent research suggesting that prosecutorial charging decisions may be a key driver of the carceral trends that define mass incarceration. The chapter concludes with reflections and recommendations regarding future lines of research on prosecutorial charging practices.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Hatton, Erin</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> (ed.). 2021. <i>Labor and Punishment: Work in and out of Prison</i>. University of California Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520305342/labor-and-punishment" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">The insightful chapters in this volume reveal the multiple and multifaceted intersections between mass incarceration and neoliberal precarity. Both mass incarceration and the criminal justice system are profoundly implicated in the production and reproduction of the low-wage “exploitable” precariat, both within and beyond prison walls. The carceral state is a regime of labor discipline—and a growing one—that extends far beyond its own inmate labor. This regime not only molds inmates into compliant workers willing and expected to accept any “bad” job upon release but also compels many Americans to work in such jobs under threat of incarceration, all the while bolstering their “exploitability” and socioeconomic marginality.<br /><br />Contributors include Anne Bonds, Philip Goodman, Amanda Bell Hughett, Caroline M. Parker, Gretchen Purser, Jacqueline Stevens, and Noah D. Zatz.</span><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Rubin, Ashley T</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2021. <i>Rocking Qualitative Social Science: An Irreverent Guide to Rigorous Research</i>. Stanford University Press. [More information <a href="https://www.sup.org/books/title/?id=31762" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Unlike other athletes, the rock climber tends to disregard established norms of style and technique, doing whatever she needs to do to get to the next foothold. This figure provides an apt analogy for the scholar at the center of this unique book. In Rocking Qualitative Social Science, Ashley Rubin provides an entertaining treatise, corrective vision, and rigorously informative guidebook for qualitative research methods that have long been dismissed in deference to traditional scientific methods. Recognizing the steep challenges facing many, especially junior, social science scholars who struggle to adapt their research models to narrowly defined notions of "right," Rubin argues that properly nourished qualitative research can generate important, creative, and even paradigm-shifting insights. This book is designed to help people conduct good qualitative research, talk about their research, and evaluate other scholars' work. Drawing on her own experiences in research and life, Rubin provides tools for qualitative scholars, synthesizes the best advice, and addresses the ubiquitous problem of anxiety in academia. Ultimately, this book argues that rigorous research can be anything but rigid.</span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">PUBLIC SCHOLARSHIP</span></u></b><u><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></u></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Bardelli, Tommaso, Zach Gillespie, and Thuy Linh Tu</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. October 27, 2021. “Blood from a stone: How New York prisons force people to pay for their own incarceration.” <i>Prison Policy Initiative. </i>[Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2021/10/27/ny_costs/" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">A study by members of the New York University Prison Education Program Research Collective gives important first-hand accounts of the damage done when prisons shift financial costs to incarcerated people.<o:p></o:p></span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-16415000563459040062021-05-04T11:12:00.002-07:002021-05-04T11:12:30.389-07:00Members' Publications: May Edition <p><i style="caret-color: rgb(102, 102, 102); color: #666666; font-family: "Trebuchet MS", Trebuchet, Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 15.399999618530273px;">As compiled by Kaitlyn Quinn</i></p><p><br /></p><p> <span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif; text-align: center;">LAW AND SOCIETY ASSOCIATION</span></p><p align="center" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">Collaborative Research Network: Punishment and Society</span></b><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif;"> </span></p><span style="font-size: x-small;">Organizers:<br />Hadar Aviram, UC Hastings College of Law, USA <br />Ashley Rubin, University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa, USA</span><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT, serif;"> </span></p><p align="center" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS <o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p align="center" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">May 2021</span></b><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> </span></u></b></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">ARTICLES<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Adorjan, Michael, Rosemary Ricciardeli, and James Gacek</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2021. “‘We’re both here to do a job and that’s all that matters’: Cisgender correctional officer recruit reflections within an unsettled correctional prison culture.” <i>The British Journal of Criminology</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://academic.oup.com/bjc/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/bjc/azab006/6210771?redirectedFrom=fulltext" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Reflecting on new trans prisoner placement policies within Canadian federal prisons, in light of recent changes instigated under the Canadian Liberal Trudeau government, we provide knowledge from cisgender correctional officer (CO) recruits regarding these policy changes and underscore their views of working with officers who identify as transgender. Canada’s new policies recognize the presence of trans prisoners and create new protocols accordingly, simultaneously challenging some of the foundational tenets of the carceral system. While overwhelming support exists from cisgender recruits for their trans colleagues, support among a relative minority of COs is contingent upon notions like safety and security grounded in a dominantly cisgender prison culture; a culture we situate within the wider context of an unsettled correctional prison culture.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Avila, Fernando and Máximo Sozzo</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2020. “Peculiar responsibilization? Exploring a governing strategy in an atypical prison in the Global South.” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1462474520972464?journalCode=puna" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Based on an ethnographic study of “Punta de Rieles” prison in Uruguay, where more than 600 prisoners coexist with increased levels of autonomy in a relatively peaceful environment, and that heavily relies on responsibilization as a strategy of governance, we seek to contribute to the analysis of the characteristics and boundaries of responsibilization in prison settings beyond the Global North. Considering the strong link between responsibilization and neoliberalism in recent prison studies, we describe the loose, lay and informal nature of responsibilization and the elements of collectivism that are present in our case study, connecting this strategy with broader political and cultural developments in this national context.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Ballucci, Dale and Garrett Lecoq</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. Forthcoming. “Expanding Mechanisms of Governance: Uncertainty and Risk in Police Decision Strategies in the Pursuit of Specialized Peace Bonds.” <i>Crime & Delinquency.</i><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Barker, Vanessa and Peter Scharff Smith</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2021. “This is Denmark: Prison Islands and the Detention of Immigrants.” <i>British Journal of Criminology</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://academic.oup.com/bjc/advance-article/doi/10.1093/bjc/azab016/6255418" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">According to mainstream criminology, Nordic societies with their generous welfare states are supposed to moderate, if not restrict, penal powers. In the case of migration, we see the opposite pattern. In Denmark, we see extended use of penal institutions and penal harms to contain and remove unwanted populations from the region, including proposals for prison islands and the confinement of migrants in 19th century prisons. To make sense of these developments and interpret its social meaning, we unpack the logic of the punishment–welfare nexus and Nordic exceptionalism. We find that Denmark expands penal power to regulate non-citizens, deter migration and uphold national interests. These repressive practices are not exceptions to the rule but rather illustrate the exclusionary edge and very nature of the penal regimes in Denmark, a Nordic welfare state.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Burkhardt, Brett C. and Brian T. Connor</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2021. “Toward a Political Sociology of Privatized Punishment: Contestation, State Structures, and Stratification.” <i>Sociology Compass</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/soc4.12874" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Privatized punishment—in which nonstate actors carry out state‐mandated criminal punishments—has developed into a common practice since its rise in the 1980s. Many disciplines, including criminology, political science, public administration, and economics, have examined its use over the past four decades. However, privatized punishment has not garnered much attention in sociology. This is surprising, as privatized punishment touches on the key themes in sociology, and in the political sociology in particular. In this paper, we attempt to insert privatized punishment into classic and contemporary discussions in political sociology. Below, we offer an overview of privatized punishment and provide a high‐level review of how other social scientific disciplines have studied the phenomenon. Then we argue that political sociology provides a useful, if underutilized, lens for studying privatized punishment. In particular, we highlight three political sociological themes—contestation, state structures, and stratification—that can be fruitfully applied to the study of privatized punishment, and we sketch multiple lines of future research informed by these themes.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Crockett Thomas, Phil, Fergus McNeill, Lucy Cathcart Frödén, Jo Collinson Scott, Oliver Escobar, and Alison Urie</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2021. “Re-writing punishment? Songs and narrative problem-solving.” <i>Incarceration</i> 2(1): 1-19. [Access it <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/26326663211000239" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">This article analyses findings from the Economic and Social Research Council/Arts and Humanities Research Council (ESRC/AHRC)-funded ‘Distant Voices – Coming Home’ project (ES/POO2536/1), which uses creative methods to explore crime, punishment and reintegration. Focusing on songs co-written in Scottish prisons, we argue that the songs serve to complicate and substantiate our grasp of what state punishment does to people, as well as perhaps affording their prison-based co-writers both moments and modalities of resistance to dominant narratives within criminal justice. In doing so, they creatively express and explore affective and perhaps even unconscious aspects of the self. We argue that our work contributes to a more expansive and considered treatment of narrative in criminology; one that admits and engages with a more diverse and creative range of expressions of experience and selfhood, all of them partial and some of them contradictory. By attending to diverse kinds of narratives embodied in these songs, we learn more about what criminalisation, penalisation and incarceration do to people and to their stories.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Crockett Thomas, Phil, Jo Collinson Scott, Fergus McNeill, Oliver Escobar, Lucy Cathcart Frödén, and Alison Urie</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2020. “Mediating Punishment? Prisoners’ Songs as Relational ‘Problem-Solving’ Devices.” <i>Law Text Culture</i>24(1/7): 1-25. [Access it <a href="https://ro.uow.edu.au/ltc/vol24/iss1/7/" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">In this article we share some findings from the Distant Voices – Coming Home project. It is a partnership between the Universities of Glasgow, Edinburgh and the West of Scotland, and the Glasgow-based arts charity Vox Liminis. Distant Voices aims to explore and practice re/integration after punishment through creative collaborations (primarily songwriting) and action-research. The project is complex and interdisciplinary, blurring boundaries between creative practices, community-building, research, knowledge exchange and public engagement. As such, this article does not present a synthesis of project findings, but instead discusses original music created within the project, proposing that an analysis of the ‘musical event’ (DeNora 2003) of the songwriting can tell us about punishment and re/integration.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">DoCarmo, Tania, Stephen Rea, John Emery, Evan Conaway and Noopur Raval</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2021. “The Law in Computation: What Machine Learning, Artificial Intelligence and Big Data Mean for Law & Society Scholarship.” <i>Law & Policy</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/lapo.12164" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Computational systems, including machine learning, artificial intelligence, and big data analytics, are not only inescapable parts of social life but also increasingly at issue in legal practice and processes. We propose turning more law and social science attention to new technological developments through the study of “law in computation,” that is, computational systems' integration with regulatory and administrative procedures, the sociotechnical infrastructures that support them, and their impact on how individuals and populations are interpellated through the law. We present cases for which examining law in computation illuminates how new technological processes potentially mitigate, exacerbate, or mask human biases present in legal systems, and propose future directions and methods for research. As computational systems become ever more sophisticated, understanding the law in computation is critical not only for law and social science scholarship, but also for everyday civics.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"><br /></span><b><span lang="EN-CA">Jouet, Mugambi</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. Forthcoming 2021. “Foucault, Prison, and Human Rights: A Dialectic of Theory and Criminal Justice Reform.” Theoretical Criminology. [Access it <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3826665" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Michel Foucault’s advocacy toward penal reform in France differed from his theories. Although Foucault is associated with the prison abolition movement, he also proposed more humane prisons. The article reframes Foucauldian theory through a dialectic with the theories of Marc Ancel, a prominent figure in the emergence of liberal sentencing norms in France. Ancel and Foucault were contemporaries whose legacies are intertwined. Ancel defended more benevolent prisons where experts would rehabilitate offenders. This evokes exactly what “Discipline and Punish” cast as an insidious strategy of social control. In reality, Foucault and Ancel converged in intriguing ways. The dialectic offers another perspective on Foucault, whose theories have fostered skepticism about the possibility of progress. While mass incarceration’s rise in America may evoke a Foucauldian dystopia, the relative development of human rights and dignity in European punishment reflects aspirations that Foucault embraced as an activist concerned about fatalistic interpretations of his theories.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Jouet, Mugambi</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. Forthcoming 2022. “Revolutionary Criminal Punishments: Treason, Mercy, and the American Revolution.” <i>American Journal of Legal History</i>. [Access it <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3770353" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">This Article focuses on the exceptional mildness of criminal punishments for alleged traitors in the wake of the American Revolution. American leaders were disinclined to inflict the death penalty on loyalists who supported British rule in the revolutionary war or on insurgents in the Shays, Whiskey, and Fries rebellions shortly after independence. In fact, the Founding Fathers and other first-generation officials commonly showed extraordinary mercy. Numerous “traitors” readily rehabilitated themselves by recognizing their faults, swearing an oath of allegiance to the new American republic, and promising to refrain from further wrongdoing. These revolutionary punishments were a striking prefiguration of modern penal practices: guilty pleas, probation sentences, and rehabilitation policies aiming to reintegrate wrongdoers into society. American revolutionary punishments were not only remarkably mild in themselves. They also were for the period. In contrast, the contemporary French Revolution led to wide-scale executions of purported traitors. Besides shedding light on historic events that criminal justice scholars have neglected, this Article’s findings are relevant to ongoing debates regarding American exceptionalism and the peculiar harshness of modern American justice. The rise of mass incarceration in the United States and its retention of the death penalty can foster cultural essentialism about how American culture traditionally lacks humanistic sensibilities. In reality, the revolutionary criminal punishments of the late eighteenth century demonstrate how America once was a trailblazer in embracing humanitarian justice.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Quirouette, Marianne</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2021. “‘The Struggle is Real’: Punitive Assessment in Community Services.” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1462474521990436?journalCode=puna" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Assessment tools are pivotal for the work of frontline community services providers, shaping client relationships, access to supports and producing evidence for agencies that need to allocate resources, demonstrate outcomes and secure funding. These tools are combined and used cumulatively, as marginalized individuals are cared for – but also controlled and punished - within these systems (e.g. in shelters, street outreach, mental health or re entry supports). Punishment literature has clarified that risk tools are impactful but also contested and resisted. Still, we know little about how the process is experienced and negotiated by frontline by practitioners working with people pushed through the ‘revolving doors'. Drawing from two years of ethnographic fieldwork and 105 interviews with community practitioners, I examine tools and practices used to ‘assess’ criminalized and marginalized individuals. I show that practitioners are producing evidence about problems occurring outside legal institutions while relying on criminal justice logics and engaging with criminal justice spaces and paces. I highlight the challenges service providers face and negotiate, focusing on three themes: the composition of tools, the process of using them, and the service context in which they are used. I argue that despite discretionary efforts and adaptations, community practitioners remain frustrated by assessment tools and practices, and particularly by their inability to meet the needs they are assessing.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Ravid, Itay</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2020. “Judging by the Cover: On the Relationship Between Media Coverage on Crime and Harshness in Sentencing.” <i>Southern California Law Review</i> 93(6): 1121-1188. [Access it <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3789179" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Does the mass media affect judicial decisionmaking? This first of its kind empirical study delves into this long-lasting question, and investigates the relationship between media coverage of crime and criminal sentencing. To do so, I construct a novel data set of media reports on crime, which I link to administrative state court sentencing records. The data span five years and more than forty-three thousand sentencing decisions across three jurisdictions that differ in their judicial selection models: Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. I find that crime coverage increases sentencing harshness. I also find evidence to suggest that this effect is mitigated through a state’s method of judicial selection. The findings go beyond traditional, case-study scholarship on the nexus between the media and the judiciary, offering evidence that the media can affect judicial decisionmaking in broader contexts. These findings hold significant implications for policy and judicial politics and raise questions at the core of the criminal justice system. Particularly, they call for renewed attention to the media as an important factor in the criminal process and a potential obstacle towards achieving the constitutional ideal of fair trials. The Article concludes by suggesting methods for countering such media effects.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">van der Valk, Sophie, Eva Aizpurua, and Mary Rogan</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2021. “Towards a typology of prisoners’ awareness of and familiarity with prison inspection and monitoring bodies.” <i>European Journal of Criminology</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1477370821998940" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Inspection and monitoring bodies have an important role in the protection of prisoners’ rights. Although these bodies are seen as widely beneficial, there is limited research examining their operations in practice. This study addresses this gap in the existing literature by identifying unique profiles of prisoners based on their familiarity with prison oversight bodies. In addition, the relationship between profiles and key factors (personal characteristics, sentence-related variables and those related to life in prison) was examined using multinomial regression. Participants were 508 males randomly selected from three prisons in Ireland. Data were collected between November 2018 and February 2019, using self-administered surveys. Latent class analysis revealed four subgroups of prisoners characterized by distinct patterns of awareness and contact with prison oversight bodies: (1) Low familiarity (44.1 percent); (2) High awareness with low contact (26.4 percent); (3) High familiarity with the Visiting Committees but low with other oversight bodies (14.2 percent); and (4) High familiarity (15.4 percent). Notably, the largest group was the low familiarity group, and few prisoners belonged to the high familiarity group. Nationality, sentence length, confidence in staff and complaint usage were linked to class membership. The results of this study point to the importance of increasing awareness of inspection and monitoring bodies among prisoners in general, and among certain groups in particular.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Williams, Monica</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2021. “Explaining public support for Body-Worn Cameras in law enforcement.” <i>Police Practice and Research</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15614263.2021.1905529?journalCode=gppr20" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Public opinion surveys have clearly demonstrated broad support for the use of body-worn cameras (BWC’s) in law enforcement. Despite clear evidence of broad support, the factors that contribute to this support remain unclear. The current study uses data from a public opinion survey of policing in a mid-sized urban city to examine factors significantly related to public support for requiring police officers to wear cameras. Ordinal logistical regression analyses of the impacts of demographic and neighborhood factors, beliefs about whom BWC’s protect, good and bad experiences with police, and trust in the police on support for the cameras suggest that awareness of bad experiences with the police increases support for BWC’s, while believing that the cameras protect the police decreases support. These findings can inform discussions between communities and police agencies about the role of body-worn cameras in policing, particularly as they relate to the broader issues underlying the need for surveillance technologies in the first place.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;"> </span></u></b></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS <o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Barker, Vanessa</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2021. “Punishing Inequality: Notes on Social Worth from Sweden.” Pp. 222-241 in <i>Tracing the Relationship between Inequality, Crime and Punishment: Time, Space and Politics</i> (Proceedings of the British Academy), edited by Nicola Lacey, David Soskice, Leonidas Cheliotis, and Sappho Xenakis. Oxford University Press. [More info <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/tracing-the-relationship-between-inequality-crime-and-punishment-9780197266922?cc=se&lang=en&" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Barker, Vanessa</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2020. “The Criminalization of Migration: A Regional Transnational Legal Order or the Rise of a Meta-TLO?” Pp. 154-175 in <i>Transnational Legal Ordering of Criminal Justice</i>, edited by Gregory Shaffer and Ely Aaronson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [More <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/transnational-legal-ordering-of-criminal-justice/B6B39ECB9482DE4E26E6917DCAB5A7FD" style="color: #954f72;">info</a> here]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Hörnqvist, Magnus</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">.<b> </b>2021.<b> </b><i>The Pleasure of Punishment</i>.<b> </b>Routledge.<b> </b>[More info <a href="https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/oa-mono/10.4324/9780429196744/pleasure-punishment-magnus-h%C3%B6rnqvist?context=ubx&refId=c38242a7-4a28-4270-ad8a-df95f4ca1211" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Based on a reading of contemporary philosophical arguments, this book accounts for how punishment has provided audiences with pleasure in different historical contexts. Watching tragedies, contemplating hell, attending executions, or imagining prisons have generated pleasure, according to contemporary observers, in ancient Greece, in medieval Catholic Europe, in the early-modern absolutist states, and in the post-1968 Western world.<br /><br />The pleasure was often judged morally problematic, and raised questions about which desires were satisfied, and what the enjoyment was like. This book offers a research synthesis that ties together existing work on the pleasure of punishment. It considers how the shared joys of punishment gradually disappeared from the public view at a precise historic conjuncture, and explores whether arguments about the carnivalesque character of cruelty can provide support for the continued existence of penal pleasure. Towards the end of this book, the reader will discover, if willing to go along and follow desire to places which are full of pain and suffering, that deeply entwined with the desire for punishment, there is also the desire for social justice.<br /><br />An accessible and compelling read, this book will appeal to students and scholars of criminology, sociology, philosophy and all those interested in the pleasures of punishment.</span><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Savelsberg, Joachim</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2021. <i>Knowing About Genocide: Armenian Suffering and Epistemic Struggles</i>. Oakland, CA: University of California Press. (paperback and open access online)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA">[More info <a href="https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520380189/knowing-about-genocide" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">How do victims and perpetrators generate conflicting knowledge about genocide? Using a sociology of knowledge approach, the book answers this question for the Armenian genocide committed in the context of the First World War. Focusing on Armenians and Turks, it addresses strategies of silencing, denial, and acknowledgment in everyday interaction, public rituals, law, and politics. Special attention is paid to efforts to deny genocide via free speech claims in US courts and to criminalize denial through legislation in France. Drawing on interviews, ethnographic accounts, documents, and eyewitness testimony, the author illuminates the social processes that drive dueling versions of history. He reveals counterproductive consequences of denial in an age of human rights hegemony, with implications for populist disinformation campaigns against overwhelming evidence.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></u></b></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA">BOOK REVIEWS<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Ben-Natan, Smadar</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2020. “Above and Beyond Denial: Incarcerated Children in Israel/Palestine.” <i>Journal of Genocide Research. </i>[Access it <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14623528.2020.1829838?journalCode=cjgr20" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS, serif;">PUBLIC SCHOLARSHIP</span></u></b><u><span lang="EN-CA"><o:p></o:p></span></u></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Annison, Harry</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. (ed, 2021) 2020: Crisis or Kairos? Themed double issue of the <i>Howard League ECAN Bulletin</i>. [Access it <a href="https://howardleague.org/research/early-career-academics-network/" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Contributors were encouraged to reflect on 2020 – a year of crisis, and possibly of Kairos. A year in which novel issues have emerged, while other long-standing issues have re-emerged into public consciousness. COVID-19 has caused widespread death and ill health, forced dramatic changes to working practices, and concerns about ongoing wellbeing – not least in relation to those subject to, working within, or otherwise affected by the criminal justice system and the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on people from black and minority ethnic backgrounds. At the same time, police brutality resulting in several deaths in the US once again highlighted systemic injustice and inequality and provoked widespread and vital self-reflection when thinking about race and privilege. This also inspired worldwide and consequential demonstrations. Structural inequalities have been laid bare by violence and injustice in the criminal justice system. Recognition of a global climate crisis rumbles on in the background. No one issue stands alone.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Contributors include early career academics, practitioners and people affected directly by criminal justice institutions. Written pieces are complemented by audio contributions.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Barker, Vanessa</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2021. Discussion on US Police Killings and Racism. Foreign Bureau, Swedish Television. [Access video <a href="https://www.svtplay.se/video/30937742/utrikesbyran/utrikesbyran-sasong-3-ratten-att-doda?id=jXYpEPx" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA">Riley, Emily</span></b><span lang="EN-CA">. 2021. “Youth Justice Reforms Offer Model for Ending ‘Merciless’ Punishment of Adults.” <i>The Crime Report</i>. [Access it <a href="https://thecrimereport.org/2021/03/15/youth-justice-reforms-offer-model-for-ending-merciless-punishment-of-adults-paper/" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">Review of Mugambi Jouet's forthcoming article in the Federal Sentencing Reporter: “Juveniles Are Not So Different: The Punishment of Juveniles and Adults at the Crossroads,” https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3763704.<o:p></o:p></span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-38170804172193813572021-02-08T13:15:00.006-08:002021-02-08T13:15:42.576-08:00Members' Publications: February 2021 Edition<div style="text-align: left;"><i style="caret-color: rgb(102, 102, 102); color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">As compiled by Kaitlyn Quinn</span></i></div><p> <span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: center;">LAW AND SOCIETY ASSOCIATION</span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Collaborative Research Network: Punishment and Society</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: left;"> </span></p><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Organizers:<br /></span></u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hadar Aviram, UC Hastings College of Law, USA<br /></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ashley Rubin, University of Hawai</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman";">ʻ</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">i at M</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman";">ā</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">noa, USA</span></span></div><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="text-align: left;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-size: x-small;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">October 2020</span></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">ARTICLES</span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Annison, Harry. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">2021. “The Role of Storylines in Penal Policy Change.” <i>Punishment & Society</i> Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1462474521989533" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Bringing policy reform to fruition is an enterprise fraught with difficulty; penal policy is no different. This paper argues that the concept of ‘storylines’, developed within policy studies, is capable of generating valuable insights into the internal dynamics of penal policy change and particularly the ‘commmunicative miracle’ whereby policy participants sufficiently align to achieve reform. I utilize the part-privatization and part-marketization of probation services in England and Wales (‘Transforming Rehabilitation’) as a pertinent case study: a policy disaster foretold, but nonetheless inaugurated at breakneck speed. Drawing on interviews with policy makers, I demonstrate the means by which the ‘rehabilitation revolution’ storyline resolved (at least temporarily) the tensions and problems inherent in the reform project; without which it would have struggled to succeed. We see that storylines play at least three important roles for policy makers: they enable specific policies to ‘make sense’, to ‘fit’ in line with their pre-existing beliefs. They provide a sense of meaning, moral mission and self-legitimacy. And they deflect contestation. In closing, I consider the implications for scholars of penal policy change.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Brown, Michelle. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">2020. “Foucault’s crows: Pandemic insurrection in the United States.” <i>Crime, Media, Culture. </i>Online first<i>. </i>[Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1741659020946227" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Brown, Michelle. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">2020. “ICE comes to Tennessee: violence work and abolition in the Appalachian South.” <i>Citizenship Studies</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13621025.2020.1859189" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">By way of a case study of a key Trump-era Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) workplace raid amidst the arrival of 287(g) programs in Eastern Tennessee, this article places the violence of the carceral state in relation to the ongoing work of emancipation in the American South. It 1) reconceptualizes immigration enforcement as a key locus for intensifying the carceral state’s power via a specific form of violence work and 2) maps the manner in which horizons of abolition take shape in the shadow of this violence. The radical reimagining of immigration as the abolition of policing, detention, and borders is linked to everyday grassroots efforts that seek to counter the pervasive state violence of 287(g) policies. Distinct forms of relational care have slowed and, in some cases, halted the political dominance of carcerality, drawing upon historic emancipatory projects of Southern abolition democracy.</span><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Corda, Alessandro. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">2020. “The Transformational Function of the Criminal Law: In Search of Operational Boundaries.” <i>New Criminal Law Review</i> 23(4): 584-635. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://pureadmin.qub.ac.uk/ws/portalfiles/portal/222625728/NCLR2304_06_Corda.pdf" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">It is often maintained that the criminal law is supposed to intervene only when a certain social norm has become so significant within a given society to justify its protection by means of penal sanctions. The criminal law is thus thought to mirror a hierarchy of values it neither shapes nor contributes to building; rather, it is required to stand at least one step behind social change. This article challenges this view, presenting a normative account that contributes to the debate on what is permissible for the criminal law to try to achieve. It does so by defining and theoretically substantiating the “transformational function” of the criminal law. The term refers to the use of criminalization and punishment to change, rather than merely reflect, social norms, attitudes, and beliefs alongside, and combined with, non-penal policy-making tools in contested domains. Four operational conditions of legitimacy are identified and discussed. Within such operational boundaries, this article contends that the criminal law can play an important role in promoting social change—i.e., the establishment of new norms and values—as well as helping the coagulation of norms, attitudes, and beliefs not yet fully entrenched within the societal body.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Corda, Alessandro and Rhys Hester. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">2021.</span><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">“Leaving the Shining City on a Hill: A Plea for Rediscovering Comparative Criminal Justice Policy in the United States.” <i>International Criminal Justice Review</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/eprint/PEEPQIQFRFBMHZANXCMW/full" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">] </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Over the past several decades, American penal exceptionalism—the tendency for U.S. penal policies and practices to proudly diverge from those of other Western countries—has severely limited the development of comparative criminal justice research from a U.S. perspective. However, in recent years, a growing consensus that America’s criminal justice policies and practices are too expensive, ineffective, excessively punitive, and often inhumane has laid the ground for a new phase of soul-searching. This article argues for an explicit rediscovering of comparative criminal justice policy in America, which would prove extremely helpful in providing bold yet practicable solutions in the current commendable but unimaginative era of criminal justice reform. We first contend that American exceptionalism is not as embedded in U.S. penal policy and culture as the past few decades might seem to suggest. Second, we discuss the main causes of the gradual demise of the comparative criminal justice enterprise in America. Finally, we discuss two areas of U.S. criminal justice reform suggesting mechanisms of comparative criminal justice policy that should be nurtured: (1) new prison reform initiatives pointing to renewed openness to comparative insights and (2) the growing chorus calling for prosecutorial reform, showing how many of the reform ideas proffered tap into characteristics found in continental systems.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Crewe, Ben. 2020. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">“The depth of imprisonment.”</span><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Punishment & Society.</span></i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1462474520952153" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Based on a large, comparative study of prisoner experiences in England & Wales and Norway, this article explores the concept of the ‘depth of imprisonment’ – put most simply, the degree of control, isolation and difference from the outside world – in two stages. First, it sets out the various factors that contribute to ‘depth’ i.e. its core components. Second, it outlines the most frequent metaphors used to communicate depth, highlighting the ways in which these metaphors bring into focus a range of ways in which the basic fact of imprisonment – the deprivation of liberty, and the removal of the individual from the community – is experienced. In doing so, the article also makes a case for the adoption of conceptual metaphors as a means of describing prison systems and regimes, and thereby attending to the ways in which prisoners experience some of the most fundamental elements of incarceration.</span><b style="font-family: Calibri;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Fisher, Benjamin W., Ethan M. Higgins, Aaron Kupchik, Samantha Viano, F. Chris Curran, Suzanne Overstreet, Bryant Plumlee, and Brandon Coffey. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">(2020) “Protecting the Flock or Policing the Sheep? Differences in School Resource Officers’ Perceptions of Threats by School Racial Composition.” <i>Social Problems</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/socpro/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/socpro/spaa062/5939812?redirectedFrom=fulltext" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Law enforcement officers (often called school resource officers or SROs) are an increasingly common feature in schools across the United States. Although SROs’ roles vary across school contexts, there has been little examination of why. One possible explanation is that SROs perceive threats differently in different school contexts and that the racial composition of schools may motivate these differences. To investigate this possibility, this study analyzes interviews with 73 SROs from two different school districts that encompass schools with a variety of racial compositions. Across both districts, SROs perceived three major categories of threats: student-based, intruder-based, and environment-based threats. However, the focus and perceived severity of the threats varied across districts such that SROs in the district with a larger proportion of White students were primarily concerned about external threats (i.e., intruder-based and environment-based) that might harm the students, whereas SROs in the district with a larger proportion of Black students were primarily concerned with students themselves as threats. We consider how these results relate to understandings of school security, inequality among students, racially disparate experiences with school policing, and school and policing policy.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hanan, M. Eve.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2020. “Invisible Prisons.” <i>UC Davis Law Review</i> 54: 1185-1244. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://lawreview.law.ucdavis.edu/issues/54/2/articles/hanan.html" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Modern punishment theory is based on an inadequate conceptualization of the severity of incarceration. While the severity of a prison sentence is measured solely in terms of the length of time, the actual experience of imprisonment is often more punishing and more destructive than a simple loss of liberty. Yet, lawmakers and judges evince a surprising lack of institutional interest in understanding the experience of imprisonment and applying this knowledge to sentencing. This lack of official attention to how prison is experienced by incarcerated people is one of the drivers of mass incarceration.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">This Article is the first scholarly work to analyze the weaknesses of punishment theory using a new and flourishing branch of political philosophy: epistemic injustice theory. The theory posits that disfavored social groups are excluded from contributing information about their experience that should be relevant to policy decisions. Epistemic injustice theory can be applied to analyze why incarcerated people’s accounts of prison’s cruelties are ignored or discounted in punishment decisions. As a disfavored group, prisoner accounts of prison’s harshness are discredited. As a result, sentencing decisions are made with only the thinnest understanding of the punishment being imposed — number of years of lost liberty — and with no accounting for the actual impact of incarceration on the person sentenced.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Applying the framework of epistemic injustice to explore the thinness of punishment theory serves more than a descriptive function. It also forms the basis for concrete recommendations to improve sentencing policy and practice. To this end, the Article suggests (1) how sentencing authorities can exercise epistemic responsibility in punishment decisions; (2) how incarcerated people can participate in knowledge-creation; and (3) how the problem of variability of prison conditions can be accounted for in sentencing.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Harper, Annie, Tommaso Bardelli, and Stacey Barrenger. 2020</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. “Let Me Be Bill-free: Consumer Debt in the Shadow of Incarceration.” <i>Sociological Perspectives</i> 63(6): 978-1001. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0731121420968124?journalCode=spxb" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Low-income U.S. households are increasingly burdened by unaffordable debt, with profound long-term economic and health consequences. Households of color are disproportionately negatively affected. This article examines the nexus of this rising indebtedness and mass incarceration through the experiences of a particularly marginalized group, people with mental illness. Drawing on qualitative research with 31 individuals with mental illness and recent incarceration in the city of New Haven, Connecticut, we show how carceral institutions and predatory financial practices intersect to create complex entanglements for poor and vulnerable people. While a growing body of scholarship focuses on criminal justice fines and fees, we highlight other types of debt that add to the overall burden, describing how incarceration deepens people’s existing debts of poverty and adds new debts from in-prison costs and identity theft. After release, those debts complicate the search for housing, employment, and financial stability, leading to further debt, stressing social relationships and reproducing social and economic inequality. The experiences of people with mental illness illuminates structures of marginalization and disadvantage that affect many others involved with the criminal justice system.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Jouet, Mugambi. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">2021 (forthcoming). “Juveniles Are Not So Different: The Punishment of Juveniles and Adults at the Crossroads.” <i>Federal Sentencing Reporter</i>. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3763704" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">The “juveniles are different” doctrine is gaining ground in America. It holds that children, unlike adults, should not receive merciless punishments like life without parole given their immaturity, impulsivity, and limited brain development. The doctrine’s impact has been both significant and modest because it operates in an exceptionally repressive context considering the advent of mass incarceration. Unless construed more broadly, it may help rationalize draconian sentences for adults and cement the status quo.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"><br />This Article offers a wider historical and comparative perspective. Over time age has recurrently served to legitimize punitiveness toward children or adults. America has oscillated between deeming that juveniles deserve fewer rights than adults, that they deserve more rights or that they should essentially be treated the same. After diverse paradigm shifts, mass incarceration led to a downward-leveling process whereby juveniles were punished just as ruthlessly as adults. “Juveniles are different” was a reaction to this trend, although punitive assumptions undergird its rigid age carve-outs. This Article calls for a new phase: an upward-leveling process under which juveniles’ emerging right to be free from merciless punishments would apply to everyone. This is the norm in other Western democracies, which have gravitated toward universal human rights and moderate punishment. A broader outlook may spell the difference between a conception of “juveniles are different” casting adults as irredeemable and a stepping stone toward meaningful systemic reform.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Jouet, Mugambi.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2022 (forthcoming). “Death Penalty Abolitionism From the Enlightenment to Modernity.” <i>American Journal of Comparative Law. </i>[Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3733016" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">The modern movement to abolish the death penalty in the United States stresses that this punishment cannot be applied fairly and effectively. The movement does not emphasize that killing prisoners is inhumane per se. Its focus is almost exclusively on administrative, procedural, and utilitarian issues, such as recurrent exonerations of innocents, incorrigible racial discrimination, endemic arbitrariness, lack of deterrent value, and spiraling financial costs. By comparison, modern European law recognizes any execution as an inherent violation of human rights rooted in dignity. This humanistic approach is often assumed to be “European” in nature and foreign to America, where distinct sensibilities lead people to concentrate on practical problems surrounding executions. In reality, this Article demonstrates that the significant transatlantic divergence in abolitionism is a relatively recent development. By the late eighteenth century, abolitionists in Europe and America recurrently denounced the inhumanity of executions in language foreshadowing modern human rights norms. Drawing on sources overlooked by scholars, including the views of past American and French abolitionists, the Article shows that reformers previously converged in employing a polyvalent rhetoric blending humanistic and practical objections to executions. It was not before the 1970s and 1980s that a major divergence materialized. As America faced an increasingly punitive social climate leading to the death penalty’s resurgence and the rise of mass incarceration, its abolitionists largely abandoned humanistic claims in favor of practical ones. Meanwhile, the opposite generally occurred as abolitionism triumphed in Europe. These findings call into question the notion that framing the death penalty as a human rights abuse marks recent shifts in Western Europe or international law. While human rights have indeed become the official basis for abolition in modern Europe, past generations of European and U.S. abolitionists defended similar moral and political convictions. These humanistic norms reflect a long-term evolution traceable to the Renaissance and Enlightenment. But for diverse social transformations, America may have kept converging with Europe in gradually adopting humanistic norms of punishment.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Kupchik, Aaron, F. Chris Curran, Benjamin W. Fisher, and Samantha L Viano. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">2020. “Police Ambassadors: Student-Police Interactions in School and Legal Socialization.” <i>Law & Society Review</i> 54(2): 391-422. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/lasr.12472" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">The recent influx of police officers into US public schools has reshaped the context and frequency of children's interactions with police. Yet we know little about how the presence of these officers in schools impacts the legal socialization of students, and whether youth of color might be affected or socialized in different ways than white youth. In this study, we analyze data from interviews with school police officers as well as focus group data from school staff, parents, and students that shed light on how school police interact with youth. In particular, school police officers discussed their desire to build relationships with students that instill trust in police among students. Officers discussed their efforts to teach students that police should be trusted and relied on, and that negative views of policing and involvement with the justice system are the result of a negative news media and individual citizens' criminality, respectively. Importantly, officers discussed how they devote particular attention to imparting these lessons on youth of color and others who may see police in a negative light. We consider how these outreach efforts, what we call acting as police ambassadors, might have different impacts on youth of color compared to white youth, given existing racial disparities in interactions with police.</span><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">McGlynn-Wright, Anne, Robert D. Crutchfield, Martie L. Skinner, and Kevin P. Haggerty. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">2020. “The Usual, Racialized, Suspects: The Consequence of Police Contacts with Black and White Youth on Adult Arrest.” <i>Social Problems. </i>Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/socpro/advance-article/doi/10.1093/socpro/spaa042/5953172" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Research on race and policing indicates that Black Americans experience a greater frequency of police contacts, discretionary stops, and police harassment when stops occur. Yet, studies examining the long-term consequences of police contact with young people have not examined whether criminal justice consequences of police contact differ by race. We address this issue by examining whether police encounters with children and adolescents predict arrest in young adulthood and if these effects are the same for Black and White individuals. The paper uses longitudinal survey data from 331 Black and White respondents enrolled in the Seattle Public School District as eighth graders in 2001 and 2002. Our findings indicate that police encounters in childhood increase the risk of arrest in young adulthood for Black but not White respondents. Black respondents who experience contact with the police by the eighth grade have eleven times greater odds of being arrested when they are 20 years old than their White counterparts.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Phelps, Michelle S. and Ebony L. Ruhland. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">2021. “Governing Marginality: Coercion and Care in Probation.” <i>Social Problems</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/socpro/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/socpro/spaa060/6066616?redirectedFrom=fulltext" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">While the scale and consequences of mass incarceration in the United States have been well-documented over the past two decades, sociologists have focused less attention on mass probation and the expansion of community supervision. Originally designed as a rehabilitative alternative to imprisonment, probation represents the largest form of penal control and a critical intersection between criminal justice and welfare—two systems that govern citizens at the margins. We analyze qualitative data from over 100 focus groups conducted in 2016-2017 with adults on probation and probation officers in several jurisdictions across the country to show the enmeshing of coercion and care in probation. Drawing on the concept of carceral citizenship, we detail the duties, burdens, and perverse benefits of supervision across four domains: relationships with probation officers, access to services and programs, time and financial constrictions, and the threat of revocation (or incarceration for non-compliance). We argue that probation provides barebones welfare services for some of the most vulnerable adults, while also imposing the unique harms of a criminal record, burdens of supervision, and risk of incarceration.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Piehowski, Victoria.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2020. “Under the punitive aegis: Dependency and the family justice center model.” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1462474520972264?journalCode=puna" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">The San Diego Family Justice Center (FJC) model seeks to lessen the burden on domestic violence victims by co-locating social service agencies, law enforcement, and prosecution at one site. Shortly following the inception of the model in 2002, it gained widespread acclaim (and federal funding), spreading the model across the country. Using visual and textual discourse analysis, this paper examines the promotional and procedural material produced by proponents of the San Diego FJC model. FJC materials construct victimhood using discourses of crime control and therapeutic intervention. The resulting discursive formation is that of the passive, dependent battered woman, curable only through robustly punitive state intervention. In this way, FJC materials not only advance a distinct construction of victimhood but also a particular agenda for punishment policy. Extending Jonathan Simon’s contentions regarding the resonance of victim discourse within American society, I argue that therapeutic discourse can bolster the effectiveness of punitive campaigns.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Russell, Emma K.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2020. “Carceral atmospheres on Manus Island: Listening to how are you today.” <i>Law Text Culture</i>24(5): 1-21. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://ro.uow.edu.au/ltc/vol24/iss1/5/" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">This paper develops a conception of ‘carceral atmospheres’ as a way of framing our encounter with the sound art and archive how are you today, created by the Manus Recording Project Collective (MRPC). Over a period of fourteen weeks in 2018, this work involved the creation and collection of 84 field recordings by six men indefinitely detained on Manus Island by the Australian government. Highlighting the mobile qualities of sound, each 10-minute field recording was sent from Manus to Melbourne and uploaded for playback as part of the Eavesdropping exhibition, originally staged at the Ian Potter Museum of Art in Melbourne in 2018 and later at City Gallery in Wellington in 2019. Following its temporary staging in the gallery – each day of the exhibition featuring a new recording, played on loop – how are you today was developed into an online archive. In this digital archive, the recordings can be played and paused as the listener pleases, but not otherwise controlled through rewinding or fast-forwarding. Each field recording is accompanied by a date, the name of the creator, and a brief textual description of the soundscape it captures.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Slavinski, Ilya, and Becky Pettit.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2021. “Proliferation of Punishment: The Centrality of Legal Fines and Fees in the Landscape of Contemporary Penology.” <i>Social Problems</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/socpro/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/socpro/spaa077/6086022" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">] </span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Decades of significant crime declines and recent reductions in the number of people confined in prisons and jails in the United States have been accompanied by the emergence of new, and the resurgence of old, forms of punishment. One of these resurgent forms is the assessment of fines, fees, and costs to those who encounter the criminal legal system. Legal financial obligations (LFOs) have become widespread across the United States and are levied for offenses from alleged traffic violations in some states to felony convictions in others. Their emergence has been heralded by some as a less punitive alternative to spending time in prison or jail but recognized by others as uniquely consequential for people without the means to pay. Drawing on data from 254 counties in Texas, this article explores the emergence and enforcement of LFOs in Texas, where LFOs play a particularly prominent role in sanctions for alleged misdemeanor offenses and serve as an important source of revenue. Enforcement of LFOs varies geographically and is related to conservative politics and racial threat. We argue that LFOs are a defining feature of a contemporary punishment regime where racial injustice is fueled by economic inequality.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ward, Geoff, Nick Petersen, Aaron Kupchik, and James Pratt.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2021. “Historic Lynching and Corporal Punishment in Contemporary Southern Schools.” <i>Social Problems</i> 68(1): 41-62. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/socpro/article-abstract/68/1/41/5628172?redirectedFrom=fulltext" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">This study examines how corporal punishment in contemporary public schools, a disciplinary practice concentrated in southeastern U.S. states, relates to histories of lynching in the region. Using school-level data from the U.S. Department of Education, we examine these relationships in a series of multi-level regression models. After controlling for numerous school- and county-level factors, we find an increased likelihood of corporal punishment for all students in counties where greater numbers of lynchings occurred, and that lynching is particularly predictive of corporal punishment for black students. Consistent with prior research associating historic lynching with contemporary violence, these results suggest general and race-specific legacies for violent school discipline. We consider potential mechanisms linking histories of lynching with school corporal punishment, and implications for research and policy.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS </span></u></b><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Kaufman, Nicole and Megan Welsh. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">2021.<b> </b>“Contested Forms of Knowledge in the Criminal-Legal System: Evidence-Based Practice and Other Ways of Knowing Among Frontline Workers.” Pp. 397-421 in Luken, Paul C., and Vaughan, Suzanne (eds.), <i>The Palgrave Handbook of Institutional Ethnography</i>. Palgrave Macmillan. [More info </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.palgrave.com/us/book/9783030542214" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Rubin, Ashley T.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2021. <i>The Deviant Prison: Philadelphia’s Eastern State Penitentiary<o:p></o:p></i></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">and the Origins of America’s Modern Penal System, 1829-1913</span></i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. Cambridge University Press. [More info </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/deviant-prison/81ECB1D86EBC7C8940FBD5AE346E5865" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Early nineteenth-century American prisons followed one of two dominant models: the Auburn system, in which prisoners performed factory-style labor by day and were placed in solitary confinement at night, and the Pennsylvania system, where prisoners faced 24-hour solitary confinement for the duration of their sentences. By the close of the Civil War, the majority of prisons in the United States had adopted the Auburn system - the only exception was Philadelphia's Eastern State Penitentiary, making it the subject of much criticism and a fascinating outlier. Using the Eastern State Penitentiary as a case study, The Deviant Prison brings to light anxieties and other challenges of nineteenth-century prison administration that helped embed our prison system as we know it today. Drawing on organizational theory and providing a rich account of prison life, the institution, and key actors, Ashley T. Rubin examines why Eastern’s administrators clung to what was increasingly viewed as an outdated and inhuman model of prison - and what their commitment tells us about penal reform in an era when prisons were still new and carefully scrutinized.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">PUBLIC SCHOLARSHIP</span></u></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Jouet, Mugambi. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">2020. “Reading Camus in Time of Plague and Polarization.” <i>Boston Review</i>. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="http://bostonreview.net/arts-society/mugambi-jouet-reading-camus-time-plague-and-polarization" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">On the sixtieth anniversary of Albert Camus's death, the article discusses how he addressed criminal justice and other key issues relevant to the evolution of modern society. The article further offers a Law & Literature perspective given Camus's influential writings on the death penalty.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-83029268443428831282020-11-23T12:19:00.001-08:002020-11-23T12:19:10.229-08:00Job Listing: Assistant Professor at U. of Washington<p><span style="font-family: inherit;">The University of Washington is seeking scholars in Ethics & Justice for an Assistant Professor position at the Evans School of Public Policy & Governance. Please see the full job posting <a href="https://apply.interfolio.com/79749." target="_blank">here</a>. I am a member of the Search Committee and am happy to answer questions about the position.</span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-18087529800926845492020-11-23T12:09:00.002-08:002020-11-23T12:09:21.024-08:00Job Listing: Assistant and Associate, UC Berkeley<p> <span style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;">My name is Erin Kerrison and I am currently serving as a Search Committee member working to fill a UC Berkeley Assistant (tenure-track) or Associate Professor (tenured) senate faculty position. Candidates are invited to submit applications demonstrating their suitability for a joint appointment in the </span><a class="" href="https://socialwelfare.berkeley.edu/" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;">School of Social Welfare</a><span style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;"> and the </span><a class="" href="https://ethnicstudies.berkeley.edu/" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;">Department of Ethnic Studies</a><span style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;">. </span></p><div class="" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;"><br class="" /></div><div class="" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;">Specifically, we are eager to review applications from candidates with at least the following qualifications:</div><div class="" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;"><ul class="MailOutline"><li class="">an established or promising track record of research with substantial impact in the area of <u class="">Native American Community Health</u></li><li class="">direct experience working with Native American communities</li><li class="">evidence of engagement with Indigenous research methodologies</li><li class="">an understanding of overlaps between social welfare programs and practices, and health and wellness priorities of Native communities</li><li class="">a capacity for interdisciplinary research and teaching linked to the school of <a class="" href="https://socialwelfare.berkeley.edu/academics/masters-degree-programs/msw">Social Welfare’s specializations</a>, and <a class="" href="https://ethnicstudies.berkeley.edu/areas-of-study/area/native-american-studies/">the Native American Studies area</a> within the Ethnic Studies Department</li><li class="">a PhD or equivalent international degree, or enrolled in a PhD or equivalent international degree program, at the time of application</li></ul><div class=""><br class="" /></div></div><div class="" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;">For full consideration, candidates are encouraged to apply by December 7, 2020: <a class="" href="https://aprecruit.berkeley.edu/JPF02788">https://aprecruit.berkeley.edu/JPF02788</a>. </div><div class="" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;"><br class="" /></div><div class="" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;">Please feel welcomed to share this announcement with any parties you believe might be interested.</div><div class="" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;"><br class="" /></div><div class="" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;">I have attached the full Call for Applications here, and will happily answer any questions that you and colleagues in your network may wish to pose.</div><div class="" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;"><br class="" /></div><div class="" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;">Thank you very much for you consideration and know that I am sending my warmest wishes for a safe and restful weekend.</div><div class="" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;"><br class="" /></div><div class="" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;">Please take good care, </div><div class="" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;"><br class="" /></div><div class="" style="font-family: BigCaslon-Medium; font-size: 14px;">Erin </div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-46548625972398642902020-11-23T11:55:00.002-08:002020-11-23T11:55:16.795-08:00Job Listing: Assistant Professor, Dominican University <p><span style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;">The Department of Sociology and Criminology is seeking a critical criminologist at the rank of assistant professor for a tenure-track position beginning Fall 2021 (August 15, 2021). Preferred qualifications include specializations in research and teaching about youth and social justice, the carceral state, restorative and transformative approaches to crime, pedagogies for social change, and research methods. Successful candidates will have a record of supporting first generation, Black and Latinx student populations with demonstrated effectiveness in helping students build quantitative, writing, oral communication and information literacy skills, and a commitment to inclusive teaching and community building.</span></p><div style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;"> </div><div style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;"><b>Qualifications</b>: </div><div style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;">Candidates must have a Ph.D. in Criminology, Sociology or related fields (PhD documentation by Fall 2021), a strong interest in undergraduate teaching and advising, an established research agenda, an interest in shared governance, a commitment to service, and a dedication to diversity and social justice.</div><div style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;"> </div><div style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;"><b>Application</b>:</div><div style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;">Please provide cover letter and resume, including a list of at least three professional references. Dominican University will accept applications for this position until it is filled.</div><div style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;"> </div><div style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;">Official transcripts will be required of finalists; submission instructions will be provided to applicants as necessary.</div><div style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;"> </div><div style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;">An offer will be pending a background screening.</div><div style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;"> </div><div style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;"><b>About Dominican University:</b></div><div style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;">Dominican University is a Catholic, comprehensive teaching university located in River Forest, a suburb of Chicago, with an enrollment of nearly 3,200 students. The University is designated as a Hispanic Serving Institution, with 37% of undergraduates first generation in college, 69% female, 61% Hispanic of Any Race, and 5% Black/African-American. Dominican University’s mission, in part, is to prepare students to participate in the creation of a more just and humane world. Toward that end, the university is committed to building a culturally diverse educational environment. For more information about Dominican University, see <a href="http://www.dom.edu/" style="color: #3498db;">www.dom.edu</a>.</div><div style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;"> </div><div style="background-color: white; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.87); font-family: Arimo, "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;">Dominican University is an equal opportunity employer. The University is dedicated to the goal of building a diverse faculty and staff committed to teaching and working in a multicultural environment. We look forward to a diverse pool of applicants who bring varied experiences, perspectives and backgrounds. Upon request, reasonable accommodations in the application process will be provided to individuals with disabilities.</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-57960064089077015322020-10-26T12:39:00.003-07:002020-10-26T12:39:31.763-07:00Members' Publications: May, July, and October 2020 Edition<p><i>As compiled by Kaitlyn Quinn</i></p><p style="text-align: center;"> <span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: center;">LAW AND SOCIETY ASSOCIATION</span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Collaborative Research Network: Punishment and Society</span></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Organizers:<o:p></o:p></span></u></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hadar Aviram, UC Hastings College of Law, USA<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ashley Rubin, University of Hawai</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman";">ʻ</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">i at M</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman";">ā</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">noa, USA</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">October 2020</span></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">ARTICLES</span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Brangan, L.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> (2019). Civilizing Imprisonment: The Limits of Scottish Penal Exceptionalism. <i>British Journal of Criminology</i> 59(4): 780-799. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://academic.oup.com/bjc/article/59/4/780/5272445" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="color: #0070c0; font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">This paper was awarded the British Society of Criminology’s Brian Williams Prize for 2020. This accolade is awarded to the author of a criminological article who is a ‘new’ scholar, published in a refereed academic journal.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Focusing on imprisonment in Scotland during the 1980s–1990s, and drawing on extensive archival research, documentary analysis and interviews with seven retired civil servants and prison governors, this article is the first to provide an historical and analytical account of Scottish penal exceptionalism. It is argued that although not being punitive in its penal transformation, Scotland cannot rightly be defined as a historically moderate and humane exception when it comes to its prison system. Instead it is shown how the Scottish power to imprison was modernized and made more civilized, allowing prisons inevitable pains to be denied and submerged.</span><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Crewe, B. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">(2020). The depth of imprisonment. <i>Punishment & Society</i>.<b> </b>Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1462474520952153" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="color: #0070c0; font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Based on a large, comparative study of prisoner experiences in England & Wales and Norway, this article explores the concept of the ‘depth of imprisonment’ – put most simply, the degree of control, isolation and difference from the outside world – in two stages. First, it sets out the various factors that contribute to ‘depth’ i.e. its core components. Second, it outlines the most frequent metaphors used to communicate depth, highlighting the ways in which these metaphors bring into focus a range of ways in which the basic fact of imprisonment – the deprivation of liberty, and the removal of the individual from the community – is experienced. In doing so, the article also makes a case for the adoption of conceptual metaphors as a means of describing prison systems and regimes, and thereby attending to the ways in which prisoners experience some of the most fundamental elements of incarceration.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hamilton-Smith, G</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. (2021). Banishing ‘Sex Offenders’: How Our Meaningless Language Makes Bad Law. <i>Southwestern Law Review</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3714875" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="color: #0070c0; font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">An essay on how the term "sex offender" is functionally meaningless, and invites policy responses that are out of step with the reality of sexual harm. These policy responses, in turn, hobble our efforts to reckon with sexual harm, foreclose accountability and redemption, and elide more effective approaches. </span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Kerrison, E. M., and Sewell, A. A.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> (2020). Negative illness feedbacks: High-frisk policing reduces civilian reliance on ED services. <i>Health Services Research</i>, 55(Supplement 2): 787-796. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1475-6773.13554" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="color: #0070c0; font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Objective:</span></i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> This paper demonstrates that localized and chronic stop‐question‐and‐frisk (SQF) practices are associated with community members’ utilization of emergency department (ED) resources. To explain this relationship, we explore the empirical applicability of a legal epidemiological framework, or the study of legal institutional influences on the distribution of disease and injury.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Data and Study Design:</span></i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> Analyses are derived from merging data from the Philadelphia Vehicle and Pedestrians Investigation, the National Historical Geographic Information System, and the Southeastern Philadelphia Community Health database to zip code identifiers common to all datasets. Weighted multilevel negative binomial regressions measure the influence that local SQF practices have on ED use for this population. Analytic methods incorporate patient demographic covariates including household size, health insurance status, and having a doctor as a usual source of care.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Principal Findings:</span></i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> Findings reveal that both tract‐level frisking and poor health are linked to more frequent use of hospital EDs, per respondent report. Despite their health care needs, however, reporting poor/fair health status is associated with a substantial decrease in the rate of emergency department visits as neighborhood frisk concentration increases (IRR = 0.923; 95% CI: 0.891, 0.957). Moreover, more sickly people in high‐frisk neighborhoods live in tracts that have greater racial disparities in frisking—a pattern that accounts for the moderating role of neighborhood frisking in sick people's usage of the emergency room.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Conclusions:</span></i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> Findings indicating the robust association reported above interrogate the chronic incompatibility of local health and human service system aims. The study also provides an interdisciplinary theoretical lens through which stakeholders can make sense of these challenges and their implications.</span><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Maier, K.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> (2020). Intermediary Workers: Narratives of supervision and support work within the halfway house setting. <i>Probation Journal</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0264550520962191" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="color: #0070c0; font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">] </span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Drawing on interviews with halfway house staff, this article provides insight into how these workers conceive of their work and occupational identities within the specific context of the halfway house. Specifically, I examine how halfway house workers seek to differentiate their work and approach to governing former prisoners from that of parole officers. I demonstrate how halfway house workers in this study capitalized on their intermediary position as quasi-state agents, using meso-level complications and struggle to carve out a space in which they felt empowered to carry out multiple, and sometimes conflicting, agendas in their everyday work with halfway house residents.</span><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Peirce, J.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2020. Overuse of Pretrial Detention in tension with Judicial and Prison Reforms in the Dominican Republic. <i>Latin American Law Review</i> 5(20): 45-69. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://revistas.uniandes.edu.co/doi/full/10.29263/lar05.2020.03" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="color: #0070c0; font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">In 2003, the Dominican Republic began to shift towards an adversarial judicial model and has implemented one of the region’s most ambitious reforms to its prison system, based on rehabilitative and human rights principles. Although these reforms have improved prison conditions and trial processes, the number of people incarcerated has nearly doubled, from 14,000 to over 26,000. This increase is due mostly to rising rates of pretrial detention, despite the availability of alternative pretrial measures. Drawing on data from prisoner surveys, interviews, and administrative data, this paper analyzes individual- and institutional-level factors that might explain variation in the decision as to whether impose pretrial detention or not. Several legal and extra-legal factors that are salient in other research on pretrial detention, such as charge and education level, are not significantly associated with pretrial detention decisions at individual level in the Dominican Republic. Qualitative findings suggest that broader system-level factors – specifically institutional capacity gaps, inaccessible cash bail, risk-averse decisions by attorneys and judges, and general penal populism – are more important. This suggests that in order for policymakers to reduce the overuse of pretrial detention, they should focus more attention on institutional and political dynamics rather than individual-level disparities.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Rengifo, A., Rouzbahani, D., and Peirce, J. </span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">2020. Court interpreters and the political economy of punishment in three first-appearance courts. <i>Law & Policy</i> 42(3): 236-260. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/lapo.12151" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="color: #0070c0; font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Criminal courts in the United States engage defendants with Limited English Proficiency on a regular basis. However, we know little about how court‐appointed interpreters shape case‐level routines and dispositions, nor how these interpreters navigate their immediate courtroom environment. We draw on observations of bail hearings (N = 647) conducted in 2015–16 in three arraignment courts in New York and New Jersey to map the practice and consequences of language interpretation. More specifically, we examine whether the use of an interpreter relates to indicators of judicial treatment and case disposition by bail type/amount, and explore more broadly how the presence of interpreters shapes the casework of other courtroom actors. Results from multivariate regression models indicate that cases with interpreters are associated with a more limited judicial review, a lower likelihood of unconditional release, and higher cash bonds. We discuss these findings in terms of evolving mechanisms of social control and the criminalization of disadvantaged populations.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Sheely, A.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> (2020). State supervision, punishment and poverty: The case of drug bans on welfare receipt. <i>Punishment & Society</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1462474520959433" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="color: #0070c0; font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">This article explores the relationship between supervisory approaches to governance, punishment, and poverty among people with drug convictions. Tying government assistance to supervision could improve employment and economic outcomes. However, if experienced as punishment, recipients may forgo financial assistance and be more likely to experience poverty. Using information on policies that restrict access to welfare for people with drug felony convictions in the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) and the Supplementary Nutrition Assistance Programs (SNAP), this paper makes two contributions. First, it documents state variation in the balance between supervision and punishment in these bans. Second, using data from NLSY97, it estimates how individuals’ likelihood of being in poverty is related to state SNAP drug ban policies. States have shifted away from overtly punitive policies denying access to welfare toward policies that increase supervisory requirements, especially for SNAP. This shows that punitiveness extends beyond work activation programs like TANF. Additionally, poverty among people with drug convictions is almost half in no ban states compared to those in full ban states. While poverty is lower in states that include supervisory requirements than in those for which a drug conviction fully blocks access to welfare, this difference was not statistically significant.</span><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">van der Valk, S., and Rogan, M.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> (2020). Experiencing human rights protections in prisons: The case of prison monitoring in Ireland. <i>European Journal of Criminology</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1477370820960024" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="color: #0070c0; font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">The protection of human rights in prison gives rise to unique challenges. The power differentials and dynamics involved, the need to balance considerations of security with those of dignity, and the lack of openness to the outside world mean that the implementation of human rights principles takes on a particular importance in these environments. International human rights law has increasingly emphasized the importance of external oversight of prisons as a way to prevent torture and ill-treatment and to uphold fundamental rights more generally. Although the monitoring of prisons is now quite well established as a principle of European and international human rights provisions, we know surprisingly little about how people in prison experience and understand monitoring bodies. This gap in our understanding is part of a wider lack of literature on how prisoners experience their rights and protections of their rights. This article addresses that gap a, reporting on qualitative findings from a study with people in prison in Ireland on their views and perceptions of a monitoring body: the Inspector of Prisons. The article finds evidence of a lack of awareness of, and a deficit of trust in, monitoring. However, this picture is complex, with people in prison also viewing the concept of monitoring as a good way to protect rights, believing that the visibility of monitors, clarity in their role and powers, and ensuring that a variety of voices are heard by monitoring bodies are important elements of a good system of prison oversight.</span><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Young, K. M.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> (2020). Legal Ruralism and California Parole Hearings: Space, Place, and the Carceral Landscape. <i>Rural Sociology</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ruso.12328" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="color: #0070c0; font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">This article discusses the important relationship between rurality and criminal justice processes, drawing on field observations and in‐depth interviews with parole commissioners to argue that California's physical carceral landscape profoundly shapes lifer parole hearings. First, commissioners report that prisons' location in rural areas affects the rehabilitative resources available, which are seen as an important aspect of their readiness for release. Location and perceived rurality of prisons shape commissioners' perception of the inmates at various institutions, creating implicitly different standards for inmates housed at different prisons. Second, spatiality and rurality influence parole commissioners' work lives, exacting a toll that includes onerous travel, early burnout, and challenges to assembling a diverse board. Together, these findings underscore the importance of legal ruralism to the relationship between spatial and carceral landscapes.</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS <o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Carlson, J.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> (2020). <i>Policing the Second Amendment: Guns, Law Enforcement, and the Politics of Race</i>. Princeton University Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691183855/policing-the-second-amendment" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="color: #0070c0; font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="vertical-align: baseline;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">The United States is steeped in guns, gun violence—and gun debates. As arguments rage on, one issue has largely been overlooked—Americans who support gun control turn to the police as enforcers of their preferred policies, but the police themselves disproportionately support gun rights over gun control. Yet who do the police believe should get gun access? When do they pursue aggressive enforcement of gun laws? And what part does race play in all of this? <i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">Policing the Second Amendment</span></i> unravels the complex relationship between the police, gun violence, and race. Rethinking the terms of the gun debate, Jennifer Carlson shows how the politics of guns cannot be understood—or changed—without considering how the racial politics of crime affect police attitudes about guns.<br /><br />Drawing on local and national newspapers, interviews with close to eighty police chiefs, and a rare look at gun licensing processes, Carlson explores the ways police talk about guns, and how firearms are regulated in different parts of the country. Examining how organizations such as the National Rifle Association have influenced police perspectives, she describes a troubling paradox of guns today—while color-blind laws grant civilians unprecedented rights to own, carry, and use guns, people of color face an all-too-visible system of gun criminalization. This racialized framework—undergirding who is “a good guy with a gun” versus “a bad guy with a gun”—informs and justifies how police understand and pursue public safety.<br /><br /><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">Policing the Second Amendment</span></i> demonstrates that the terrain of gun politics must be reevaluated if there is to be any hope of mitigating further tragedies.</span><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Iftene, A.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2020. Aging Prisoners in the Canadian Federal Correctional System. In C. Cesaroni (ed.), <i>Canadian Prisons. Understanding the Canadian Correctional System.</i> Oxford University Press, pp. 213-228. [More information </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/canadian-prisons-9780199034048?subjectcode1=1803299%7CLAW00010&lang=en&cc=mt" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="color: #0070c0; font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"><br /></span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">LAW AND SOCIETY ASSOCIATION<o:p></o:p></span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Collaborative Research Network: Punishment and Society<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Organizers:<o:p></o:p></span></u></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hadar Aviram, UC Hastings College of Law, USA<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ashley Rubin, University of Hawai</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: "Times New Roman";">ʻ</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">i at M</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: "Times New Roman";">ā</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">noa, USA</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">July 2020<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 11pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 11pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">ARTICLES<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Crewe, B and Ievins, A</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. “‘Tightness’, recognition and penal power.” <i>Punishment & Society.</i> Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1462474520928115" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Prison scholarship has tended to focus on the pains and frustrations that result from the use and over-use of penal power. Yet the absence of such power and the subjective benefits of its grip are also worthy of attention. This article begins by drawing on recent literature and research findings to develop the concept of ‘tightness’ beyond its initial formulation. Drawing primarily on data from a study of men convicted of sex offences, it goes on to explain that, in some circumstances, the reach and hold of penal power are not experienced as oppressive and undesirable, and, indeed, may be welcomed. Conversely, institutional inattention and an absence of grip may be experienced as painful. Prisons, then, can be ‘loose’ or ‘lax’ as well as ‘tight’. The article then discusses the different ways in which prisons exercise grip, and, in doing so, recognise or misrecognise the subjectivity of the individual prisoner. It concludes by identifying the connections between this ‘ground-up’ analysis of the relative legitimacy of different forms of penal intervention and recent discussions in penal theory about the proper role of the state in communicating censure and promoting personal repentance and change.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gibson-Light, Michael</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. “Sandpiles of Dignity: Labor Status and Boundary-Making in the Contemporary American Prison.” <i>RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences</i> 6(1):198-216. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://doi.org/10.7758/RSF.2020.6.1.09" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">This study investigates discursive strategies through which prisoners seek dignity. In particular, it turns toward the role of penal labor in such pursuits. Drawing on eighty-two in-depth interviews and eighteen months of ethnographic fieldwork conducted within one U.S. men’s prison, it details the role of job status in prisoner dignity claims. In the scramble to the top of a shifting sandpile of dignity, prisoner appeals to legitimacy rely on downward-facing symbolic boundaries erected to distinguish from lower-status others. Participants in the highest-status work sites made moral claims against others by self-identifying as professionals rather than inmates. At the bottom reaches of the labor hierarchy, workers emphasized lateral distances from other low-status prisoners. These competitive processes serve to reify penal labor structures, inequity, and control.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gibson-Light, Michael and Seim, Josh</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. “Punishing Fieldwork: Penal Domination and Prison Ethnography.” <i>Journal of Contemporary Ethnography</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0891241620932982" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Ethnographic studies inside prisons are especially difficult to execute. In addition to facing amplified challenges in gaining site access, earning subjects’ trust, and tolerating the exhaustion of fieldwork, researchers who collect participant observation and in-depth interview data behind bars must confront an explicit asymmetrical power relation. Prison ethnographers penetrate, to varying levels of depth, a social universe where staff dominate prisoners and where prisoners, largely in response to the pains of their imprisonment, carve paths to dignity. This paper considers how and where non-staff and non-incarcerated ethnographers can awkwardly fit into (or fail out of) this space. Drawing on insights from two ethnographic studies in the United States, the authors detail their particular and common experiences across three phases: access, collection, and exit. These experiences motivate a description of prison ethnography as “punishing fieldwork.” Such research is not only exacting, it is also significantly contained and directed by penal power.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Goodman, Philip</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. “‘Work Your Story’: Selective, Voluntary, Disclosure, Stigma Management, and Narratives of Seeking Employment After Prison.” <i>Law & Social Inquiry</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/law-and-social-inquiry/article/work-your-story-selective-voluntary-disclosure-stigma-management-and-narratives-of-seeking-employment-after-prison/E613A39B76F52E575C36898FDD9D8746" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Using interviews with forty formerly incarcerated people in the Greater Toronto Area, I explore how criminal record holders describe seeking work. People articulate being driven by a desire to be selective to whom, when, and how they disclose their past criminal record; they simultaneously want to talk about their past, at least to some people, some of the time. Many say they are quite selective in what types of jobs and employers they seek out, and their efforts to secure employment are driven by broader projects of stigma management. In light of these findings, I coin “selective, voluntary disclosure” (SVD) as a new set of policy configurations that aim to facilitate not only employment but also dignity, privacy, and empowerment. SVD is well attuned with what former prisoners describe doing on an everyday basis, and it accords with their goals, aspirations, and rehabilitative self-projects.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Iftene, Adelina.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2020. “The Bad, the Ugly, and the Horrible: What I Learned about Humanity by Doing Prison Research.” <i>Dalhousie Law Journal</i> 43(1) [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://digitalcommons.schulichlaw.dal.ca/dlj/vol43/iss1/3/" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Every Canadian academic conducting research with humans must submit an ethics application with their university’s Research Ethics Board. One of the key questions in that application inquired into the level of vulnerability of the interviewees. Filling in that question, I had to check nearly every box: the interviewees were incarcerated, old, under-educated, poor, Indigenous or other racial minorities, and likely had mental and physical disabilities. However, it was not until I met John that I understood what all those boxes actually meant. They were signalling that I was entering a universe of extreme marginalization—the universe of the forgotten. I learned then what we, as a society, look like at our worst, when no one watches, when there is no money to be made and no votes to be gained. Entering this universe has allowed me to identify some broader socio-legal issues, applicable across prison demographics, from gaps in prison health care and punitive carceral responses to health needs, to substantive and procedural access to justice for violations of rights in prisons and the role of health care and access to justice in achieving the rehabilitative and reintegration goals of sentencing.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Iftene, Adelina and Downie, Jocelyn</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. “End-of-Life Care for Federally Incarcerated Individuals in Canada.” <i>McGill Journal of Law and Health</i> 14(1): 1-50. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://mjlh.mcgill.ca/publications/volume-14-issue-1-141-2020/end-of-life-care-for-federally-incarcerated-individuals-in-canada/" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">In this article, we review the current legislation, policies, and practices related to end-of-life care for federally incarcerated individuals as set out in statutes, guidelines, and government reports and documents that were either publicly available or obtained through Access to Information requests from the Parole Board of Canada and Correctional Service of Canada (CSC). Based on this review, we describe the status quo, identify gaps, and offer reflections and raise concerns regarding end-of-life care for federally incarcerated individuals. We conclude that there are significant information gaps about the number of people seeking end-of-life care and about how CSC is managing the provision of such care. The sparse information available is nonetheless sufficient to support the conclusion that there are good reasons to be concerned about how end-of-life care is regulated, monitored, recorded, and provided. Significant reforms are needed.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Kleinstuber, Ross and Coldsmith, Jeremiah</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. “Is Life Without Parole an Effective Way to Reduce Violent Crime? An Empirical Assessment.” <i>Criminology & Public Policy</i> 19(2): 617-651. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1745-9133.12496?af=R" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Research Summary: By taking advantage of data published by the Sentencing Project to analyze whether states that use life without parole (LWOP) more often experience lower violent crime rates or greater reductions in violent crime, this study is the first to empirically assess the crime reducing potential of LWOP sentences. The results suggest that LWOP might produce a small absolute reduction in violent crime but that it is no more effective than life with parole.<br /><br /><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Policy Implications: Despite reductions in the use of the death penalty, LWOP has expanded dramatically—and at a much faster rate—over the last quarter century. This expansion has come at great financial and human costs and has not been distributed equally throughout the population. As such, the public policy debate over the use of LWOP is likely to intensify. Yet, to date, there have been no empirical assessments of LWOP’s efficacy to inform this debate. This study begins to fill this gap in our knowledge, and the results, if replicated, suggest that the use of LWOP should be either scaled back or eliminated.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Kleinstuber, Ross, Zaykowski, Heather and McDonough, Caitlin</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. “‘Ideal Victims’ in Capital Penalty Hearings: An Assessment of Victim Impact Evidence and Sentencing Outcomes.” <i>Journal of Crime and Justice</i> 43(1): 93-109. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/0735648X.2019.1588770?journalCode=rjcj20" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Critics have argued that victim impact evidence (VIE) may enhance sentencing biases by encouraging judges and juries to treat some types of victims as worthier than others. Yet, research to date has not utilized trial transcripts to assess differences in the quantity and quality of evidence presented. The current study addresses this gap by utilizing transcripts from Delaware capital sentencing hearings (2001–2011). The results indicated that more VIE witnesses were called and a greater amount of VIE was presented when victims aligned more closely with the cultural stereotype of the ‘ideal victim.’ ‘Ideal victims’ were also more likely to be described as having contributed to the community and to be associated with the judge issuing a death sentence. However, VIE itself, what witnesses said about victims and their characters, was not correlated with sentencing outcomes. These findings suggest that victim attributes rather than VIE may be driving sentencing bias.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Kupchik, Aaron F, Curran, Chris, Fisher, Benjamin W and Viano, Samantha L</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. “Police Ambassadors: Student-Police Interactions in School and Legal Socialization.” <i>Law & Society Review</i> 54: 391-422. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/lasr.12472" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">The recent influx of police officers into US public schools has reshaped the context and frequency of children’s interactions with police. Yet we know little about how the presence of these officers in schools impacts the legal socialization of students, and whether youth of color might be affected or socialized in different ways than white youth. In this study, we analyze data from interviews with school police officers as well as focus group data from school staff, parents, and students that shed light on how school police interact with youth. In particular, school police officers discussed their desire to build relationships with students that instill trust in police among students. Officers discussed their efforts to teach students that police should be trusted and relied on, and that negative views of policing and involvement with the justice system are the result of a negative news media and individual citizens’ criminality, respectively. Importantly, officers discussed how they devote particular attention to imparting these lessons on youth of color and others who may see police in a negative light. We consider how these outreach efforts, what we call acting as police ambassadors, might have different impacts on youth of color compared to white youth, given existing racial disparities in interactions with police.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Lynch, Mona</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. “Double duty: The amplified role of special circumstances in California’s capital punishment system.” <i>Columbia Human Rights Law Review</i> 51(3): 1010-1042. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3606704" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Legal scholars have argued that relying solely upon the eligibility decision in capital case processing to reduce arbitrary outcomes contravenes the underlying goal articulated in Gregg v. Georgia. This Article adds to this line of scholarship by illustrating how eligibility and selection are not easily distinguished as discrete decisions when capital juries are tasked with doing both in the course of their duties. To the extent that most sentencing schemes rely upon capital juries to do both jobs — determine eligibility and make the selection decision — the consideration of aggravating evidence for the purpose of eligibility, and its use as something to be weighed in determining sentencing, is messier in practice. Specifically, the Article focuses on California’s death penalty scheme to illustrate how its over-broad eligibility criteria “bite twice,” first by failing to narrow the pool of defendants who may face the death penalty (the “eligibility decision”), and then by swamping the selection decision by exerting extraordinary influence on the jury’s sentencing decision, relative to mitigating evidence. The Article first details California’s death penalty process including its narrowing mechanism. Then the Article presents evidence from empirical research that offers insight into how death-eligible Californians understand and consider statutory aggravation (“special circumstances” in California’s statutory scheme), especially in relation to mitigating evidence. The Article concludes by outlining next steps for further research on how eligibility and selection determinations work together to produce the twin failures of California’s current death penalty machinery: a failure to narrow eligibility and a failure to ensure coherence in sentence outcomes.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Lynch, Mona</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. “Regressive prosecutors: Law & order politics and practices in Trump’s DOJ.” <i>Hastings Journal of Crime & Punishment</i> 1(2): 195-220. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3618820" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">This essay examines how the “Trump/Sessions/Barr”6 regime has approached criminal justice policy in an era of progressive reform. It first details the contours of the Trump-era DOJ criminal justice policies and practices to illustrate its countertrend status, then it delineates the DOJ policy statements and actual efforts to impose on state and local criminal justice operations through various initiatives. Specifically, it examines how federal law enforcement itself is being mobilized to reinvigorate a “law and order” approach to street crime, including direct targeting of jurisdictions that have adopted more progressive policies and practices. It argues that a dangerous turn has happened in the Barr DOJ that extends and multiplies the threats posed by the Sessions regime, with significant negative consequences for individual defendants and, potentially, the larger criminal justice reform movement that is exemplified by the progressive prosecutor movement. It concludes by considering the limits of the federal countermovement to progressive criminal system reform efforts.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Paynter, Martha, Jefferies, Keisha, McKibbon, Shelley, Martin-Misener, Ruth, Iftene, Adelina and Tombin-Murphy, Gail</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. “Mother-Child Programs for Incarcerated Mothers and Children and Associated Health Outcomes: A Scoping Review.” <i>Canadian Journal of Nursing Leadership</i> 33(1): 81-99. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://works.bepress.com/adelina-iftene/20/" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Background: Increasing incarceration of women disrupts fertility, family formation, parenting and mother–child relationships. It is common in many jurisdictions, including Canada, to mitigate the harm of separation from the primary parent through programs allowing children to co-reside with their mothers in prison. In this scoping review, we asked the following questions: (1) What are the characteristics of residential mother–child programs in carceral facilities? (2) Who is eligible to participate? (3) How do these programs make a difference to maternal and child health outcomes?<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"><br />Method: We use the Joanna Briggs Institute methodology for systematic scoping reviews. This approach includes a three-step search strategy developed with a clinical research librarian. Databases searched include MEDLINE, CINAHL, PsycINFO, Gender Studies Abstracts, Google Scholar and ProQuest Dissertations. The search yielded 1,499 titles and abstracts, of which 27 met the criteria for inclusion.<br /><br /><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Results: Conducted from 1989 to 2019, across 12 countries, the studies included qualitative and quantitative methods. None was based in Canada. The most common outcomes among the studies included attachment, development, infection, neonatal outcomes, mental health, pregnancy and general experiences.<br /><br /><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Discussion: Although supporting attachment, mother–child program participation is complex and challenging. High morbidity in the incarcerated population and lack of data collection before and after program participation prevent conclusions, and wide variations in contexts prevent comparisons.<br /><br /><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Benefits from Reading: This scoping review illustrates the complexity of maternal and child health outcomes associated with mother–child programs. Initiation or continuation of or changes to such programs must be made with careful consideration.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Super, Gail</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. “Punitive welfare on the margins of the state: Narratives of punishment and (in)justice in Masiphumelele.” <i>Social & Legal Studies</i>. Online first. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0964663920924764#articleCitationDownloadContainer" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">While there is an established literature on the relationship between political economy and state punishment, there is less work on how punishment is constituted from below in contexts of inequality. This article analyses the discourse around incidents of lethal collective violence that occurred in 2015 in a former black township in South Africa. I use this as a lens for examining how punitive forms of popular justice interact with state punishment. Whether via the slow violence of structural inequality or the viscerally corporeal high rates of interpersonal violence, my interviewees were intimately acquainted with violence. Although they supported long-term imprisonment, none of them came across as stereotypical right-wing populists. Instead, they adopted complex positions, calling for a type of punitive welfarism, which combined harsh solutions to crime with explicit recognition of the importance of dealing with ‘root causes’. I argue that when the state is perceived to be failing to both impose punishment and provide welfare, violence becomes a technology of exchange, which simultaneously seeks both more punishment and more welfare. The result is an assemblage of exclusionary penal forms.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman";">Werth, Robert.</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2020<span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">. </span>Book review: <i>Pervasive punishment: Making sense of mass supervision</i>, by Fergus McNeill. <i>Critical Criminology.</i> 28(1): 163-176. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10612-020-09498-1" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman";">]</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 11pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; line-height: 18pt; margin: 0in 0in 12pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS <o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Burkhardt, Brett C and Edison, Story</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. “Correctional Privatization in the United States.” In Philip Bean (ed) <i>Criminal Justice and Privatisation: Key Issues and Debates</i>. Routledge, pp. 245-258. [More information </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.google.com/books/edition/_/YWe_xQEACAAJ?hl=en&kptab=overview" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Correctional privatization is big business in the United States. Today, the dominant suppliers of private correctional services—CoreCivic, GEO Group, and MTC—generate billions of dollars in revenue, contract with governments at all levels (federal, state, and local), and provide services in a variety of correctional domains. The modern industry has operated since the 1980s, and historical precursors date to at least the 1800s. With its extensive history, much has been written about private corrections in the US. However, several gaps remain in our knowledge. The goal of this chapter is to survey what we know about the extent, performance, and politics of correctional privatization in the US, while also pointing future researchers and policymakers to promising avenues of inquiry or experimentation.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Iftene, Adelina</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. “COVID-19 in Canadian Prisons: Policies, Practices and Concerns.” In Colleen M Flood, Vanessa MacDonnell, Jane Philpott, Sophie Thériault and Sridhar Venkatapuram (eds) <i>Vulnerable: The Law, Policy and Ethics of COVID-19</i>. University of Ottawa Press, pp. 367-380. [More information </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://press.uottawa.ca/vulnerable.html.html" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Correctional Service of Canada and the provincial prison systems have a duty to provide incarcerated individuals with health services that are comparable to the community, but they have failed to do so during the COVID-19 pandemic. There are inherent practical difficulties to implementing health care in prisons. In addition, prison demographics include a higher proportion of populations that are vulnerable to disease. These factors together mean that the prison response to COVID-19 must involve depopulation and the implementation of guidelines provided by public health agencies in all institutions. So far, the measures taken have been insufficient, as is evidenced by the rapid rates of spread of COVID-19 within prisons compared to the community. An overreliance on segregation of incarcerated individuals as a preventive measure raises concerns under section 7 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and international human rights. There are also equality concerns under section 15 of the Charter given the high proportion of Indigenous people in prison. Ultimately, some prison systems’ failure to respond adequately to the pandemic impedes the successful flattening of the curve and will likely prolong the life of COVID-19 in the community. It highlights the urgency of the much-needed prison reforms which have been overlooked for decades.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Kaufman, Sarah Beth</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. <i>American Roulette: The Social Logic of Death Penalty Sentencing Trials</i>. University of California Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520344396/american-roulette" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">As the death penalty clings to life in many states and dies off in others, this first-of-its-kind ethnography takes readers inside capital trials across the United States. Sarah Beth Kaufman draws on years of ethnographic and documentary research, including hundreds of hours of courtroom observation in seven states, interviews with participants, and analyses of newspaper coverage to reveal how the American justice system decides who deserves the most extreme punishment. The “super due process” accorded capital sentencing by the United States Supreme Court is the system’s best attempt at individuated sentencing. Resources not seen in most other parts of the criminal justice system, such as jurors and psychological experts, are required in capital trials, yet even these cannot create the conditions of morality or justice. Kaufman demonstrates that capital trials ultimately depend on performance and politics, resulting in the enactment of deep biases and utter capriciousness. American Roulette contends that the liberal, democratic ideals of criminal punishment cannot be enacted in the current criminal justice system, even under the most controlled circumstances.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Lageson, Sarah</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2020. <i>Digital Punishment: Privacy, Stigma, and the Harms of Data-Driven Criminal Justice</i>. Oxford University Press. [More information </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/digital-punishment-9780190872007" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">An analysis of the transformation of criminal records into millions of data points, the commodification of this data into a valuable digital resource, and the impact of this shift on people, society, and public policy.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Pascoe, Daniel and Novak, Andrew</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <b>(eds)</b>. 2020. <i>Executive Clemency: Comparative and Empirical Perspectives</i>. Routledge (Routledge Research in Human Rights Law). [More information </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://www.routledge.com/Executive-Clemency-Comparative-and-Empirical-Perspectives-1st-Edition/Pascoe-Novak/p/book/9780367243579" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="color: #0563c1; font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></u></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Nearly every country in the world has a mechanism for executive clemency, which, though residual in most legal systems, serves as a vital due process safeguard and as an outlet for leniency in punishment. While the origins of clemency lie in the historical prerogative powers of once-absolute rulers, modern clemency laws and practices have evolved to be enormously varied. This volume brings comparative and empirical analysis to bear on executive clemency, building a sociological and political context around systematically-collected data on clemency laws, grants, and decision-making. Some jurisdictions have elaborate constitutional and legal structures for pardoning or commuting a sentence while virtually never doing so, while others have little formal process and yet grant clemency frequently. Using examples from Asia, Europe, Latin America, the Caribbean, and the USA, this comparative analysis of the law and the practice of clemency sheds light on a frequently misunderstood executive power.<br /><br />This book builds on existing academic scholarship and expands the limited geographical scope of prior research, which has tended to focus on North America, the UK, and Australia. It relays the latest state of knowledge on the topic and employs case studies, doctrinal legal analysis, historical research, and statements by clemency decision-making authorities, in explaining why clemency varies so considerably across global legal and political systems. In addition, it includes contributions encompassing international law, transitional justice, and innocence and wrongful convictions, as well as on jurisdictions that are historically under-researched.<br /><br />The book will be of value to practitioners, academics, and students interested in the fields of human rights, criminal law, comparative criminal justice, and international relations.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><u><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 11.5pt;">PUBLIC SCHOLARSHIP</span></u></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Lageson, Sarah</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. June 10, 2020. “The Chan-Zuckerberg Initiative funds Clean Slate policy. So why won't Facebook take down mugshots?” <i>The Appeal</i>. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://theappeal.org/zuckerberg-facbook-mugshots/" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 11pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA"></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Page, Josh, Schoenfeld, Heather and Campbell, Michael</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. July 4, 2020. “To Defund the Police, We Have to Dethrone the Law Enforcement Lobby.” <i>Jacobin</i>. [Access it </span><span lang="EN-CA"><a href="https://jacobinmag.com/2020/07/defund-police-unions-law-enforcement-lobby" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">LAW AND SOCIETY ASSOCIATION<o:p></o:p></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><b>Collaborative Research Network: Punishment and Society<o:p></o:p></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><u>Organizers:<o:p></o:p></u></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">Hadar Aviram, UC Hastings College of Law, USA<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">Ashley Rubin, University of Hawai<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">ʻ</span>i at M<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">ā</span>noa, USA<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><b>RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS<o:p></o:p></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><b>May 2020<o:p></o:p></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><u>ARTICLES<o:p></o:p></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Brangan, Louise.</b> 2020. “Exceptional states: The political geography of comparative penology.” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1462474520915995" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">It is now common in the sociology of punishment to lament that comparative penology has not matured as an area of research. While there have been seminal works in the comparative canon, their conceptual tools tend to be drawn from grand narratives and macro-structural perspectives. Comparative researchers therefore lack concepts that can help capture the complexity of penality within a single nation, limiting the cross-national perspective. Why is this relative lack of comparative refinement still the case? This article investigates this question by looking specifically at penal exceptionalism, a concept central to comparative penology. While punitiveness as a comparative and descriptive category has been critiqued, its converse, penal exceptionalism remains prevalent but undertheorised. Examining exceptionalism reveals that it is not merely the macro-structural approach to comparison that has limited the development of cross-national sociology of punishment, but the Anglocentric assumptions, which are the bedrock of comparative penology. In this essay, I argue that penal exceptionalism versus punitiveness is an Anglocentric formulation. These taken-for-granted assumptions have become so central to the comparative enterprise that they act as a barrier to developing new innovative comparative frameworks and concepts. The article concludes by suggesting some methodological strategies that are intended as a way of helping comparative penology to expand its toolkit and support the ongoing development of more equitable criminological knowledge.</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Cobbina, Jennifer E., Kerrison, Erin and Bender, Kimberly</b>. 2020. “The Baltimore moment: Race, place, and public disorder.” <i>Journal of Crime and Justice</i> 43(2): 161-173. [Access it <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/0735648X.2019.1653214?journalCode=rjcj20" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">The death of Freddie Gray in April 2015 sparked numerous protests and looting in Baltimore, Maryland. But why did massive uprising take place in Baltimore? What was so special about Baltimore that erupted into weeks of explosive incidents of race-based unrest, which garnered national attention? Using the Flashpoints Model of Public Disorder, this study examines the nature, causes, and dynamics of uprisings in the city of Baltimore, which lays the groundwork for understanding the conditions that can lead to future uprisings in other places. Systematic application of the Flashpoints Model shows that unrest in Baltimore was the result of a complex set of causal factors that ignited years of pent-up tension and highlights the significance of race as an organizing feature.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Davis, Andrew and Gibson-Light, Michael</b>. 2020. “Difference and punishment: Ethno-political exclusion, colonial institutional legacies, and incarceration.” <i>Punishment & Society</i> 22(1): 3-27. [Access it <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1462474518816643" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">One dominant theoretical explanation for higher incarceration rates across the world focuses on how a nation’s level of diversity or minority presence broadly writ unleashes racial resentment that can lead to incarceration. This article contends that population heterogeneity alone offers an incomplete picture of how ethnic-based tension can affect incarceration rates. Rather, we argue that majority ethnic groups around the world use prison systems in order to govern and manage minority populations, especially those systematically excluded from power. In addition, we argue that these political structures have their roots in a nation’s colonial legacy, a legacy that shapes a nation’s contemporary incarceration rates. Results from our quantitative analysis reveal that controlling for competing explanations, there are positive associations between ethnic political exclusion and the length and form of a nation’s colonial experience and rates of incarceration.</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Gibson-Light, Michael</b>. 2020. “Sandpiles of Dignity: Labor Status and Boundary-Making in the Contemporary American Prison.” <i>RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences </i>6(1): 198-216. [Access it <a href="https://www.rsfjournal.org/content/6/1/198.abstract" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">This study investigates discursive strategies through which prisoners seek dignity. In particular, it turns toward the role of penal labor in such pursuits. Drawing on eighty-two in-depth interviews and eighteen months of ethnographic fieldwork conducted within one U.S. men’s prison, it details the role of job status in prisoner dignity claims. In the scramble to the top of a shifting sandpile of dignity, prisoner appeals to legitimacy rely on downward-facing symbolic boundaries erected to distinguish from lower-status others. Participants in the highest-status work sites made moral claims against others by self-identifying as professionals rather than inmates. At the bottom reaches of the labor hierarchy, workers emphasized lateral distances from other low-status prisoners. These competitive processes serve to reify penal labor structures, inequity, and control.</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Hanan, Eve</b>. 2020. “Incapacitating Errors: Sentencing and the Science of Change.” <i>Denver Law Review</i> 97(1): 151-203. [Access it <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3492041" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Despite widespread support for shifting sentencing policy from “tough on crime” to “smart on crime,” we continue to engage in practices that permanently incapacitate people deemed to be hardened or habitual criminals, while carving out only limited niches of sentencing reform for special groups like first-time, nonviolent offenders and adolescents. <br /><br />This Article posits that the cultural belief that adults do not change poses a major impediment to “smart on crime” policies. Standing in contrast to our folk belief that adults do not change is a growing body of neuroscientific and psychological literature that this Article refers to as, “the science of adult change,” which demonstrates that adult brains change in response to environmental prompts and experience.<br /><br />The science of adult change has powerful implications for punishment theory and practice. In its broadest sense, the science of adult change supports an empirically grounded, normative claim that sentencing should not attempt to identify the true criminal to permanently exclude him. Rather, sentencing policy should engage in only modest predictions about future behavior. The presumption of reintegration as a full member of society should be the norm. Moreover, because adult change occurs in response to environmental stimuli, the science of adult change supports both public accountability for the conditions of confinement and, ultimately, a challenge to incarceration as our primary means of responding to social harm. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><b>Jiang, Jize.</b> 2020. “<span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">The Politics of Punishment and Protection: A Comparative Historical Analysis of American Immigration Control, 1990–2017.” <i>Law & Policy</i>.</span> Online first. [Access it <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/lapo.12146" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>] <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">This article examines the construction of immigration control in two US states with contrasting approaches to immigration: the rise of crimmigration and governing through crime in Arizona, and the development of immigrant protection and governing through support in Illinois. Analysis of state</span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">level immigration control practices reveals that three interrelated processes play a critical role in formulating these divergent approaches to managing immigrants: the state’s cultural orientation, structural relation, and institutional dynamics. These factors interact with each other in complex, multidirectional ways that condition and shape the respective states’ political choices and administrative decisions. I highlight the significance of coalitions of local organizations who work in collaboration with state actors and mobilize state institutions in order to shape state legal regimes of immigration control. In illuminating the variegated trajectories of building immigration control fields, and their use (or non</span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">use) of penal power as a response, this article provides a more nuanced understanding of the hybrid, dynamic, and contingent nature of immigration control in contemporary America.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><span style="background-color: white;">Jiang, Jize</span></b><span style="background-color: white;">. 2020. <span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">Review “Punishment in Contemporary China: Its Evolution, Development and Change” by Enshen Li, 2019, Routledge. </span><i>Asian Journal of Criminology</i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">. Online first. [Access it </span></span><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs11417-020-09313-4" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">here</span></a><span style="background-color: white; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">]</span><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Kaufman, Nicole</b>. (forthcoming) “Governing through Partnerships: Neoconservative Governance and State Reliance on Religious NGOs in Drug Policy.” <i>Critical Criminology</i>. [Access it <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10612-020-09492-7" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">This article examines states’ pursuit of partnerships with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as a strategy of governance in drug policy. State actors have used partnerships with religious NGOs to provide treatment services and disseminate messages about prevention. I investigate the emergence of such partnerships, drawing attention to neoconservatism as a political rationality associated with the rise of the New Right. I analyze officials’ justifications and strategies for including religious NGOs in such partnerships, using archival data on drug policies in Ohio and beginning with the formation of the statewide addiction services agency in 1989. The results demonstrate how officials have increasingly recognized the characteristics of the religious community by emphasizing their social service delivery and by framing religious leaders as health educators. Given the results, I consider the impacts of partnerships for the autonomy of organizations, the oversight of care, and the generation of images of an engaged community.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Koehler, Johann</b>. 2020. “Don’t talk to me about Marx any more!” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1462474520918819" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 12pt;"><b>Lageson, Sarah Esther</b>. 2020. “Privacy Loss as a Collateral Consequence.” <i>The Annual Review of Interdisciplinary Justice Research</i> 9: 16-31. [Access it <a href="https://c0c42d9a-a170-4571-949c-ea8bd55b102f.filesusr.com/ugd/3ac972_44316c35ea8a4bfeb08da89dee532193.pdf" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">The digital age has raised important new questions about privacy rights, particularly in the collection and dissemination of personally identifiable data. In a justice context, these privacy questions are compounded by the stigmatizing nature of criminal records. While discrimination based on a criminal conviction has been long documented in social science research, and privacy conversations have been invoked in criminal record policy, less direct attention has been paid to the psychological and social privacy harms of internet-based criminal record disclosure, especially for non-conviction, sealed, and expunged records. This note situates digital and reputational harms amidst broader collateral consequences of criminal records by discussing the complexity of competing privacy norms and law and the racialized dynamics of digital records and surveillance. By focusing on reputation and privacy, this note suggests that public policy better incorporate protections for the accused against digital punishment. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Lynch, Mona</b>. 2019. “Focally Concerned About Focal Concerns: A Conceptual and Methodological Critique of Sentencing Disparities Research.” <i>Justice Quarterly</i> 36(7): 1148-1175. [Access it <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/07418825.2019.1686163" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">“Focal concerns” is the predominant theoretical framework in criminology for explaining disparities in sentencing outcomes. While the framework has generated a large body of empirical scholarship, its postulates remain inadequately tested in the criminological literature. In this paper, I offer a conceptual and methodological critique of focal concerns as it is being deployed in a large body of sentencing research. I first trace the genealogy of the “focal concerns” concept and detail its current articulation. I then describe the body of work that has reduced “focal concerns” to a commonsense psychological construct, and illustrate the fallacies of logic and paucity of direct theory development and testing that weaken the explanatory value of the framework. I conclude by building on Ulmer’s recent call to treat criminal courts as “inhabited institutions” to assess approaches that are more social scientifically robust and empirically testable for understanding how sentencing disparity is produced.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Lynch, Mona</b>. 2019. “Place, Race, and Variations in Federal Criminal Justice Practices.” <i>Ohio State Journal of Criminal Law</i> 17: 167-184. [Access it <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3543250" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">This article is a revised version of the 30th annual Walter C. Reckless-Simon Dinitz Memorial Lecture, delivered by Mona Lynch at The Ohio State University on April 18, 2019. The lecture addresses the motivating questions that have framed Lynch's ongoing research on the federal criminal system which are: 1) How is the power of criminal law mobilized—and resisted—in varied, creative ways by legal actors? 2) How do those variations manifest as local norms and practices that transcend individual actors and moments in time? 3) Finally, and most critically, how does this “live” version of the law produce and maintain inequalities that formal law & policy explicitly aim to eliminate?<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Rubin, Ashley</b>. 2020. “True believers, rational actors, and bad actors: Placing <i>The Prison and the Factory</i> in penal-historiographic context.” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/eprint/X6H5NISRGAM4UNICKNT8/full" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">This review contextualizes <i>The Prison and the Factory</i> in the broad sweep of prison historiography (at least, prison historiography from a US perspective). To this end, I describe three approaches to how scholars have explained the birth of the prison and associated early penal reforms. I then use this framework to describe <i>The Prison and the Factory</i> somewhat paradoxically: at the time, <i>The Prison and the Factory</i> was particularly radical but, by comparison to the current literature’s level of explicit critique, it seems almost mild today. Finally, using this framework, I make a global critique of <i>The Prison and the Factory</i>, but it is also a critique that applies to each of these approaches to prison history.</span> <o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Smith, Tobias</b>. 2020. “Body Count Politics: Quantification, Secrecy, and Capital Punishment in China.” <i>Law & Social Inquiry</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/law-and-social-inquiry/article/body-count-politics-quantification-secrecy-and-capital-punishment-in-china/D84117DC7803278D734A80AA0BF00DAA" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">As quantification has become socially ubiquitous, the disclosure of numerical data emerges as a key feature of legal reform and global governance. Scholars document how seemingly value-neutral statistical indicators shape, and are shaped by, institutional interests. Although less attention has been paid to cases where states resist numerical disclosure, prohibitions on the disclosure of such indicators also produce social effects. This article extends scholarship on the governance effects of quantification to include secrecy by exploring the case of capital punishment data in China, which is reportedly the world’s leading executioner state. Amid a major death penalty reform effort, China steadfastly refuses international calls to publicly disclose relevant statistics. I analyze capital cases and draw on seventy-three interviews with legal insiders in China’s death penalty system to identify the impact of state efforts to conceal capital punishment indicators while undertaking reforms in three areas: transparency; legal representation; and criminal procedure. I show how tension between the disclosure and nondisclosure of death penalty numbers does not simply suppress data; it also shapes and becomes data, influencing both policy and action in the legal sphere in ways that are seemingly far removed from quantification.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Vaughn, Paige E</b>. 2020. “The effects of devaluation and solvability on crime clearance.” <i>Journal of Criminal Justice</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0047235219303848?via%3Dihub" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Purpose: Scholars suggest that clearance rates reflect (a) the solvability of cases (Gottfredson & Hindelang, 1979; Roberts, 2007), and/or (b) the populations that the police choose to prioritize (Black, 1976). But few studies consider the totality of contextual and situational characteristics that may explain clearance rates and contribute to important disparities among them. The current study presents a framework that considers the effect of various types of devaluation and solvability on clearance.<br /><br /><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Methods: Linear probability modeling is used to test the framework's utility and whether complaint, neighborhood, and police district characteristics affect the clearance of violent crimes in St. Louis, MO.<br /><br /><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Results: The findings suggest that while minority victims and neighborhoods may be devalued, specific crime features physically hinder crime-solving. Important interactions emerge between devaluation and solvability indicators, and crime types are found to have distinctive clearance predictors. The results suggest that witness and victim-offender relationship information might be particularly important in clearing crimes involving Black<br />victims.<br /><br /><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Conclusions: Overall, the results highlight the importance of comprehensively studying crime-solving. Future research should continue to work toward developing a comprehensive conceptualization to explain police case clearance.</span><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Ward, Geoff, Petersen, Nick, Kupchik, Aaron and Pratt, James</b>. 2019. “School Discipline and the Legacy of Racialized Violence: Historic Lynching and Racially Disparate Corporal Punishment in Southern Schools.” <i>Social Problems</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://academic.oup.com/socpro/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/socpro/spz044/5628172?redirectedFrom=fulltext" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">This study examines how corporal punishment in contemporary public schools, a disciplinary practice concentrated in southeastern U.S. states, relates to histories of lynching in the region. Using school-level data from the U.S. Department of Education, we examine these relationships in a series of multi-level regression models. After controlling for numerous school- and county-level factors, we find an increased likelihood of corporal punishment for all students in counties where greater numbers of lynchings occurred, and that lynching is particularly predictive of corporal punishment for black students. Consistent with prior research associating historic lynching with contemporary violence, these results suggest general and race-specific legacies for violent school discipline. We consider potential mechanisms linking histories of lynching with school corporal punishment, and implications for research and policy.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Welsh, Megan, Chanin, Joshua and Henry, Stuart</b>. 2020. “Complex Colorblindness in Police Processes and Practices.” <i>Social Problems</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://academic.oup.com/socpro/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/socpro/spaa008/5809587?redirectedFrom=fulltext" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Racial disparities in police-community encounters are well documented, with people of color experiencing higher levels of police scrutiny. Far less is known about how police officers perceive the racial dynamics at play in their work. As part of a 2016 study of traffic stops in San Diego, we conducted in-depth interviews with 52 city police officers. Despite evidence of racial disparities in SDPD practices related to post-stop outcomes, officers denied, minimized, or even condemned racial profiling during traffic stops; officers described operating under a neutral policy of “colorblindness.” Our analysis identifies cognitive and discursive mechanisms which explain this complex and contradictory picture. We find that officers’ accounts excuse, justify, or otherwise negate the role of race in routine police work, yet officers’ thoughts and actions are based on racialized and, at times, dehumanizing narratives about people and communities of color. These morally neutral accounts form a pattern of micro-racialized discourse, constituting a layering of racialized processes and practices that cumulatively produce racially disparate outcomes. We argue that rejection of explicit racism alone is insufficient to address the progressive micro-racial aggression that emerges at key points during police-community encounters. We discuss the implications for law enforcement policy and practice.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Welsh, Megan and Leyva, Kristina</b>. 2020. “Collisions of the personal and the public: How front-line welfare workers manage carceral citizens.” <i>Affilia: Journal of Women and Social Work</i>. Online first. [Access it <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0886109919866152" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">For criminalized people, particularly those who have been recently incarcerated, applying for and maintaining public assistance—cash aid and/or food assistance—is an immediate and crucial element of survival. Yet relative to a substantial body of research that documents pathways into and out of carceral citizenship, this aspect of postincarceration work has received little scholarly attention. Likewise, frontline welfare workers are often simplistically portrayed as gatekeepers who restrict poor people’s access to public assistance. In this article, we make visible the intersection of welfare and criminal-legal involvement by examining how criminalized clients are understood by welfare workers in one large, densely populated California county. Our data come from a larger ethnographic study of women’s postincarceration experiences of public institutions and include in-depth interviews with 19 frontline welfare workers and participant observation of welfare offices. We find that (a) criminal-legal awareness varies among welfare workers; (b) workers engage in substantial invisible labor, in large part to counteract the carceral logics of the welfare system; and (c) in absence of professional training, workers draw heavily on their own situated knowledge to manage the challenges of their work. Contextualizing these findings within a broader trend toward the deprofessionalization of welfare workers, we argue that the training and education of this workforce, particularly around criminal-legal issues, is an important avenue for social work advocacy.</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; line-height: 18pt; margin: 0in 0in 12pt;"><b><u>BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS <o:p></o:p></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Annison, Harry</b>. 2020. “Re-examining Risk and Blame in Penal Controversies: Parole in England and Wales, 2013–2018.” In John Pratt and Jordan Anderson (eds) <i>Criminal Justice, Risk and the Revolt Against Uncertainty</i>. Palgrave, pp. 139-163. [More information <a href="https://www.palgrave.com/gb/book/9783030379476#aboutBook" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">This chapter considers the lessons that high profile controversies in parole in England and Wales might provide for our understanding of dominant conceptions of risk and populism in the sociology of punishment. Sparks’ (2000b) earlier examination of risk and blame in a series of scandals facing English prisons in the mid-1990s is utilized as a point of comparison and a methodological sensitizing device: the former in that this provides us with a means by which to consider what might have changed in the two decades separating these high profile episodes; the latter in that I seek, as Sparks did, to consider what insights these ‘sorry stories’ might provide for penal theory. I thus discuss broader cultural trends regarding the recognition and involvement of ‘publics’ – including victims, families, prisoners and others – in penal policy. I suggest that these developments have implications for our understanding of risk and populism, and the dominant theoretical narratives that have tended to accompany conceptions of these terms.</span><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Crewe, Ben, Hulley, Susie and Wright, Serena</b>. 2020. <i>Life Imprisonment from Young Adulthood: Adaptation, Identity and Time</i>. London: Palgrave Macmillan. [More information <a href="https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9781137566003" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">This book analyses the experiences of prisoners in England & Wales sentenced when relatively young to very long life sentences (with minimum terms of fifteen years or more). Based on a major study, including almost 150 interviews with men and women at various sentence stages and over 300 surveys, it explores the ways in which long-term prisoners respond to their convictions, adapt to the various challenges that they encounter and re-construct their lives within and beyond the prison. Focussing on such matters as personal identity, relationships with family and friends, and the management of time, the book argues that long-term imprisonment entails a profound confrontation with the self. It provides detailed insight into how such prisoners deal with the everyday burdens of their situation, feelings of injustice, anger and shame, and the need to find some sense of hope, control and meaning in their lives. In doing so, it exposes the nature and consequences of the life-changing terms of imprisonment that have become increasingly common in recent years. </span><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Hatton, Erin</b>. 2020. <i>Coerced: Work Under Threat of Punishment</i>. University of California Press. [More information <a href="https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520305410/coerced" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><br /><span style="font-size: 10pt;">What do prisoner laborers, graduate students, welfare workers, and college athletes have in common? According to sociologist Erin Hatton, they are all part of a growing workforce of coerced laborers.<br /><br /><i>Coerced</i> explores this world of coerced labor through an unexpected and compelling comparison of these four groups of workers, for whom a different definition of "employment" reigns supreme—one where workplace protections do not apply and employers wield expansive punitive power, far beyond the ability to hire and fire. Because such arrangements are common across the economy, Hatton argues that coercion—as well as precarity—is a defining feature of work in America today.<br /><br />Theoretically forceful yet vivid and gripping to read, <i>Coerced</i> compels the reader to reevaluate contemporary dynamics of work, pushing beyond concepts like "career" and "gig work." Through this bold analysis, Hatton offers a trenchant window into this world of work from the perspective of those who toil within it—and who are developing the tools needed to push back against it.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Jiang, Jize</b>. 2020. “From Cinderella to Consumer: How Crime Victims Can Go to the Ball.” In Jacki Tapley and Pamela Davies (eds) <i>Victimology: Research, Policy and Activism</i>. London, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. (with Edna Erez, Kathy Laster) [More information <a href="https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9783030422875" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Pratt, John and Anderson, Jordan (eds)</b>. 2020. <i>Criminal Justice, Risk and the Revolt Against Uncertainty.</i> Palgrave Macmillan. [More information <a href="https://www.palgrave.com/gb/book/9783030379476#aboutBook" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">This book examines the impact and implications of the relationship between risk and criminal justice in advanced liberal democracies, in the context of the ‘revolt against uncertainty’ which has underpinned the rise of populist politics across these societies in recent years. It asks what impact the demands for more certainty and security, and the insistence that national identity be reasserted, will have on criminal law and penal policy. Drawing upon contributions made at a symposium held at Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand in November 2018, this edited collection also discusses the way in which risk has come to inform sentencing practices, broader criminal justice processes and the critical issues associated with this. It also examines the growth and making of new ‘risky populations’ and the harnessing of risk-prevention logics, techniques and mechanisms which have inflated the influence of risk on criminal justice. </span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Savelsberg, Joachim J</b>. 2020. “The Representational Power of International Criminal Courts.” In M. Bergsmo, M. Klamberg, K. Lohne and C. Mahony (eds) <i>Power in International Criminal Justice: Towards a Sociology of International Justice</i>. Nuremberg Academies, Oslo: TOAEP, pp. 493-510. [More information <a href="https://www.nurembergacademy.org/fileadmin/user_upload/170912_Programme_and_concept_note_Florence_conference_20171028-29.pdf" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Considering discussions about the effectiveness of international criminal courts, this chapter suggests that we should pay attention to their representational power: the chance to impress on a global public, even against resistance, an understanding of mass violence as a form of criminal violence. The chapter asks if such power generates memorial normativity, and if it has the potential of turning into symbolic power à la Bourdieu: a tacit mode of cultural domination unfolding within everyday social habits and belief systems. The contribution draws on sociological theory and on materials from extensive empirical research on responses to the Darfur conflict. </span><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Savelsberg, Joachim J. and Powell, Amber</b>. 2020. “Politics, Institutions and the Penal State.” In Thomas Janoski, Isaac Martin, Joya Misra, and Cedric De Leon (eds) <i>The New Handbook of Political Sociology</i>. Cambridge University Press, pp. 513-537. [More information <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/new-handbook-of-political-sociology/politics-institutions-and-the-carceral-state/245EB786720D84EFEC4D42EA248C1170" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10.5pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">Carceral states rely on incarceration of an exceptionally large number of their citizens, typically accompanied by a diversity of supplemental methods of criminal justice control. The United States of the late twentieth and early twenty-first century is such a carceral state. In the words of political scientist Marie Gottschalk (2015: 1): “a tenacious carceral state has sprouted in the shadows of mass imprisonment and has been extending its reach far beyond the prison gate. It includes not only the country’s vast archipelago of jails and prisons, but also the far-reaching and growing range of penal punishments and controls that lies in the never-never land between the prison gates and full citizenship.” And indeed, jails and prisons in America today are supplemented by expanding probation and parole systems, community sanctions, drug courts, immigrant detention and deportation, public stigmatization of released sex offenders, and the disenfranchisement of ex-felons.</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><u><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 11.5pt;"><o:p><span style="text-decoration: none;"> </span></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><u><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 11.5pt;"><o:p><span style="text-decoration: none;"> </span></o:p></span></u></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b><u><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 11.5pt;">PUBLIC SCHOLARSHIP</span></u></b><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">Interview with <b>Blakinger, Keri, Lageson, Sarah and Quinn, Chris</b>. February 26, 2020. “Local News Rethinks Its Use of Mugshots”. <i>The Takeaway</i>. [Access it <a href="https://www.wnycstudios.org/podcasts/takeaway/segments/local-news-rethinks-mugshots" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>DEDICA-20</b>. April 21, 2020. “<span style="background-color: white;">COVID-19 and the Inconvenient Truth About Prisons.” <i>Arena Online</i>. [Access it </span><a href="https://arena.org.au/covid-19-and-the-inconvenient-truth-about-prisons/" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">here</span></a><span style="background-color: white;">]</span><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Kerrison, Erin M</b>. April 28, 2020. “Alameda County: How COVID is Impacting the Black Community the Hardest and Why.” <i>Upfront KPFA</i>. [Access it <a href="https://kpfa.org/episode/upfront-april-28-2020/" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Commentary on (1) spatial data illustrating saturation of COVID cases in California's Alameda County (predominantly POC neighborhoods, East Oakland and Hayward) and (2) prospective policy proposals that could address this crisis. </span><o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Rubin, Ashley. </b>April 9, 2020.<b> </b>“Prisons and jails are coronavirus epicenters—but they once designed to prevent disease outbreaks.” <i>The Conversation</i>. [Access it <a href="https://theconversation.com/prisons-and-jails-are-coronavirus-epicenters-but-they-were-once-designed-to-prevent-disease-outbreaks-136036?utm_source=twitter&utm_medium=twitterbutton" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Werth, Robert</b>. April 1, 2020. “Reconsidering risk algorithms in the penal realm: Performativity, homogenization, and the certainty of threat.” <i>Social & Legal Studies Blog</i>. [Access it <a href="https://socialandlegalstudies.wordpress.com/2020/04/01/reconsidering-risk-algorithms/" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b>Yamey, Gavin</b>. March 30, 2020. “We Must Act Now to Protect America’s Most Vulnerable from Coronavirus.” <i>TIME</i>. [Access it <a href="https://time.com/5812616/protect-americas-vulnerable-coronavirus/" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><o:p> </o:p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><b> </b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;"><br /></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-54992770561434905522020-04-22T12:13:00.000-07:002020-04-22T12:13:03.303-07:00Why are black folks dying of COVID?: The Simple Answer<div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">By <a href="https://sociology.wisc.edu/staff/eason-john/">John Eason</a>, Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Wisconsin, Madison</span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Some may have you believe that Black folks are dying of COVID-19 at a higher rate because we lack personal responsibility, have faulty moral character, or cannot escape the so-called “culture of poverty”.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">However, the COVID-19 crisis exposes a simple but powerful reality—<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2020/04/09/masks-racial-profiling-walmart-coronavirus/">racism does not take a day off—even during a pandemic</a></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">. In fact, years of racial disparities in the criminal justice system and access to healthcare will prove more important in the battle to flatten the COVID-19 curve than life choices of the most disadvantaged individuals.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjhkTqw9mT2W-0GomfwHfeQCxp9BhRH6-Dp4bkTiAjnUfdTocwhQTJ5vc28ZzHh8REcUdfZ5zDw2Vn2FcX2HNue3tj8Hog495N09jj4RyIPqsvLdqx9ht5uV0PJqcZMq9GM_iqlWQeX0Y0/s1600/CORRECTED_Covid_Prisons_12April.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><img border="0" data-original-height="946" data-original-width="1500" height="408" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjhkTqw9mT2W-0GomfwHfeQCxp9BhRH6-Dp4bkTiAjnUfdTocwhQTJ5vc28ZzHh8REcUdfZ5zDw2Vn2FcX2HNue3tj8Hog495N09jj4RyIPqsvLdqx9ht5uV0PJqcZMq9GM_iqlWQeX0Y0/s640/CORRECTED_Covid_Prisons_12April.gif" width="640" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">This map illustrates COVID-19 cases from March 1-April 5 across US counties suggesting that counties with prisons are hotspots for the outbreak. Given the disproportionate number of Black and Latinx corrections officers in these counties, prisons may unwittingly serve as vectors of the disease in communities of color.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">Research shows that the prison is deeply immersed in American life, as <a href="https://www.statista.com/chart/16351/the-share-of-americans-who-have-had-the-following-incarcerated/">over 60% of Americans know someone or have an incarcerated family member</a>. This pattern is even more stark for African-Americans, as nearly 9 out of 10 know someone or have a family member in prison or jail. </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">This explains why it came as no surprise to many Black folks that <a href="https://chicago.suntimes.com/2020/3/26/21196159/cook-county-jail-is-a-ticking-time-bomb-for-detainees-during-this-pandemic-kerry-kennedy-other-views%20&%20https://www.nytimes.com/2020/04/08/us/coronavirus-cook-county-jail-chicago.html?utm_source=The+Marshall+Project+Newsletter&utm_campaign=61c5c49d74-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2020_04_09_12_00&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_5e02cdad9d-61c5c49d74-162171041&fbclid=IwAR1Tqsnq7ZfbgQKPRaVfXFPLM1VnJS1XSwku39d0_oJBBoYbR0HDBW2FdGw">Cook County Jail is a top hot spot for COVID-19</a></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">Although <a href="https://theconversation.com/prisons-and-jails-are-coronavirus-epicenters-but-they-were-once-designed-to-prevent-disease-outbreaks-136036">once designed to help prevent outbreaks</a></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">, prisons, jails, and immigrant detention centers are now incubators for infectious disease as the number of infections inside these facilities continues to outpace the free world. While newly incarcerated people can bring COVID-19 into prisons, guards and other staff are the ones who come and go most often.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">Given the acute, airborne nature of COVID-19, there is no way to effectively social distance inside facilities. In fact, early reporting of COVID-19 infections across prisons and jails show how guards suffer higher rates of infections than inmates.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">What is not a widely known fact is that African-Americans are overrepresented in the front line correction staff. This means that Black workers in correctional facilities are possibly being infected at the highest rate of any population. So while some may express concern about prisoners being released as leading to increased infections in Black communities, Black corrections officers may unknowingly be culpable for this trend.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">We see this phenomenon in racialized trends in employment with other essential workers. Frontline service from truck and delivery drivers, grocery store cashiers, public transportation operators, maintenance staffs, postal workers, and a host of other low-skilled professions are disproportionately occupied by people of color. Let us remember these professions were not often the first choice, but people settled into them because of the well-documented legacy of discrimination in educational attainment and the labor market. To be clear, every bus driver does not drive a bus because it was their childhood dream. Many faced discrimination in school and on the labor market and took the best job they could given the challenges they face. Because of this, many Black folks end up living in segregated, underserved neighborhoods after years of redlining and predatory lending. This thereby results in longer commute times to jobs that we must keep if we want health insurance during a pandemic.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">So what can be done? Less racism would be great but we can start by remaking the narrative around the plight African-Americans in this current epidemic. To move beyond rhetoric will take a strong will. This crisis will certainly test our mettle to do simple things because they are right.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">For starters, we need to make healthcare organizations more available to African-Americans in their neighborhoods. In analyzing COVID-19 deaths and infections across Chicago, we found that African-Americans living in neighborhoods with greater access to healthcare organizations (urgent cares, primary care doctors and facilitate, hospitals, clinics, etc.) have lower rates of COVID-19 and deaths from COVID-19. By placing HCOs in black neighborhoods we effectively reduce travel, reduce transmission, and flatten the curve.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">The COVID-19 epidemic presents a series of policy choices where public health and public safety can be at odds. However, if we understand that health is foundational to public safety, we can take drastic measures to contain the COVID-19 pandemic. </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">In the wake of this crisis, some states and counties have pivoted towards doing the right thing amongst calls to “let my people go” from prisons and jails. However, there are some governors, sheriffs, and other elected officials that have stood firm in their “tough on crime” commitment.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222;">For those involved with the criminal justice system, flattening the COVID-19 curve should not only be essential in <a href="https://www.law360.com/publicpolicy/articles/1260965/-ag-barr-tells-prosecutors-to-consider-pandemic-a-bail-factor?nl_pk=09a99389-d8eb-4a77-ba8a-e267604c7585&utm_source=newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=publicpolicy">bail decisions</a></span><span style="color: #222222;">, but also <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/doctor-rikers-compassionate-release/2020/04/10/07fc863a-7a93-11ea-9bee-c5bf9d2e3288_story.html">releasing prisoners with underlying medical conditions</a></span><span style="color: #222222;">, and ending technical parole violations. Governors and other local leaders also need to end admissions to all prisons and jails based on technical violations until this wave of the pandemic passes. We need to step up testing for everyone leaving prisons to divert those reentering from communities already suffering from high rates of COVID-19. We need to provide immediate early release for inmates (starting with non-violent offenders) over 50 with medical conditions with high comorbidity (e.g. diabetes, cancer). Even more importantly, early release for anyone whose sentence is within 6 months of completion. Finally, given that families cannot visit and the recent spike in unemployment due to COVID-19 has disproportionately affected families of those incarcerated, there should be free or reduced fees for calls for everyone in jails and prison.</span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">John M. Eason<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Associate Professor<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Department of Sociology<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">University of Wisconsin-Madison<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Author of <a href="https://www.press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/B/bo25227153.html"><i>Big House on the Prairie: Rise of the Rural Ghetto and Prison Proliferation</i></a></span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-87595605976940208782020-04-15T17:38:00.000-07:002020-04-24T13:55:52.642-07:00Jails, Prisons, and COVID-19: A Roundup of the Resources<i><span style="font-family: inherit;">*This page will be updated as things progress; it is certainly not comprehensive, but is intended to help digest a large amount of information, or connect up with more comprehensive sources. If you have resources to share, particularly for or involving punishment scholars, please email me.</span></i><br />
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<span style="font-family: inherit;">It has been a little over a month since a <a href="https://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2020/03/11/814474930/coronavirus-covid-19-is-now-officially-a-pandemic-who-says">worldwide pandemic</a> was declared and carceral facilities are in the news a lot. I don't know about you, but I'm getting a little overwhelmed and having a difficult time keeping up (and not just because of the amount of things to read). This post is intended to compile resources about COVID-19 as it relates to prisons, jails, and the people who live and work therein. It is written for punishment scholars and others interested in getting a quick overview of public-facing literature on the situation. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: inherit;">First, the <b>best quick clearinghouse of information</b> </span></h3>
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">...on the status of jail/prison releases and other policy changes (like handling co-pays for medical expenses), along with links to other information, is the <a href="https://www.prisonpolicy.org/virus/virusresponse.html"><b>Prison Policy Initiative</b></a>. Check their site before any other (including this blog post) as it has a lot of information and links to other pages with lots of information--including <a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1X6uJkXXS-O6eePLxw2e4JeRtM41uPZ2eRcOA_HkPVTk/edit#gid=1197647409"><b>Sharon Dolovich</b>'s UCLA-based database of confirmed cases and deaths</a> (as well as other information, like releases). This has since been expanded to a full <a href="https://covidprisondata.com/">website</a>. Additionally, the <b><a href="https://www.vera.org/blog/covid-19-1/use-this-data-to-hold-your-local-jail-accountable-during-the-pandemic">Vera Institute of Justice</a></b> has </span><span style="background-color: white;">released a web tool that tracks the size of jail populations in nearly 400 counties, </span>urging citizens to “Use this Data to Hold Your Local Jail Accountable During the Pandemic” by calling for more releases, especially in jurisdictions that have yet to take action. For a more comprehensive list of news articles relating to COVID-19 than I can provide, see the <a href="https://www.themarshallproject.org/records/8718-coronavirus?fbclid=IwAR1LKbvAVY6zULX4iH0lXJbh_xkgdo3daW0eBYwCKiwTWBlxT5tGr4Y-d6A"><b>Marshall Project</b></a>. <b>Margo Schlanger</b>'s <a href="https://clearinghouse.net/results.php?searchSpecialCollection=62">Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse</a> is also maintaining a list of court cases relating to COVID-19, and this includes jail/prison conditions litigation. Additionally, <b>Sheri-Lynn S. Kurisu</b> is maintaining a <a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1LbJJoHi2fMv_xBoKUD3sKoJK8LxsQx0h2TkW_PHOi3I/edit">google doc</a> with a running list of resources relating to prisons and jails. The <b>Defender Impact Initiative </b>also maintains a <a href="https://defenderimpact.org/">running list</a> of news articles about how coronavirus is impacting courts, jails, and prisons. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: inherit;">As another source, you can also see the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/us/coronavirus-us-cases.html"><i><b>New York Times</b></i></a> coverage, which includes a section on major US outbreaks. While the specific locations from day to day as new statistics come in, jail and prison facilities are often listed among elder care facilities and other common hot spots. </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: inherit;">Second, some of the <b>best and most consistent coverage</b> </span></h3>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">...of the issue (as well as how COVID-19 affects criminal justice more generally) is coming out of <a href="https://theappeal.org/"><i>The Appeal</i></a>. Here are some of their recent pieces, with other references below in the other categories. </span><br />
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<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">Joshua Manson, <a href="https://theappeal.org/surviving-a-pandemic-when-your-loved-one-is-in-prison/">"Surviving a Pandemic When Your Loved One is in Prison"</a> (April 14) </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">Oliver Hinds, <a href="https://theappeal.org/coronavirus-jails-prisons-model-hospital-beds/">"Emptying Prisons to Prevent the Spread of Coronavirus Will Save Lives on the Outside, Too"</a> (April 15) </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">Jay Willis, "<a href="https://theappeal.org/covid-19-prisons-jails-inaction/#.Xo-XedgHFlQ.twitter">The COVID-19 Prison Disaster is No Longer Hypothetical</a>" (April 9)</span></li>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>Another excellent steady source</b> has been <i><a href="https://theintercept.com/">The Intercept</a></i>.</span><br />
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<li>Nick Pinto, "<a href="https://theintercept.com/2020/03/23/coronavirus-rikers-jail-de-blasio-cuomo/">If Coronavirus Deaths Start Piling up in Rikers Island Jails, We'll Know Who to Blame</a>" (March 23)</li>
<li>Akela Lacy, "<a href="https://theintercept.com/2020/03/28/coronavirus-criminal-justice-reform-jails/">The Coronavirus Pandemic Makes the Case for Criminal Justice Reform</a>" (March 28)</li>
<li>Ryan Grim "<a href="https://theintercept.com/2020/03/31/rikers-island-coronavirus-mass-graves/">Rikers Island Prisoners are Being Offered PPE and $6 an Hour to Dig Mass Graves</a>" (March 31) </li>
<li>Liliana Segura, "<a href="https://theintercept.com/2020/04/15/federal-prisons-coronavirus/">As Virus Spreads in Federal Prisons, People Inside Describe Chaos, While Families are Left in the Dark</a>" (April 15)</li>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;">Third, a number of <b>scholars have been contributing op-eds</b> </span></h3>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">...bringing their research to bear on the situation. Note that this list is mostly about prisons, punishment, and criminal justice, although it also touches on some issues beyond, and is limited to law and society/(socio)legal scholars. </span><br />
<ul>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b><span style="font-weight: normal;">Law profs have been contributing COVID-19-related articles </span><span style="font-weight: normal;">since early March on the </span><b style="font-family: inherit;"><i><a href="https://sentencing.typepad.com/sentencing_law_and_policy/impact-of-the-coronavirus-on-criminal-justice/">Sentencing Law and Policy Blog</a></i></b></b></span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>Premal Dharia</b> was interviewed by NPR in "<a href="https://www.npr.org/2020/03/14/815778399/what-happens-to-peoples-legal-cases-as-coronavirus-shuts-down-courts">What Happens To People's Legal Cases As Coronavirus Shuts Down Courts?</a>" (March 14) </span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>Hadar Aviram</b> has been posting </span>regularly<span style="font-family: inherit;"> about the situation on her blog, <a href="http://californiacorrectionscrisis.blogspot.com/"><i>The California Correctional Crisis Blog</i></a>, since mid-March.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>César Cuauhtémoc García Hernández </b>and<b> Carlos Moctezuma García</b> wrote "<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/19/opinion/coronavirus-immigration-prisons.html">Close Immigration Prisons Now: </a></span><span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/19/opinion/coronavirus-immigration-prisons.html">The coronavirus’s quick transmission and deadly track record is likely to worsen inside these institutions</a>" for the <i>New York Times</i> (March 19) </span></li>
<ul>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">(see the </span><a href="http://crimmigration.com/" style="font-family: inherit;">Crimmigration Blog</a><span style="font-family: inherit;"> for more</span><span style="font-family: inherit;">) </span></li>
</ul>
<li><b style="font-family: inherit;">Austin Sarat</b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> wrote </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">"</span><a href="https://verdict.justia.com/2020/03/24/will-coronavirus-stop-america-from-carrying-out-executions" style="font-family: inherit;">Will Coronavirus Stop America from Carrying Out Executions?</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">" for </span><i style="font-family: inherit;">Verdict</i><span style="font-family: inherit;"> (March 24).</span></li>
<li><b style="font-family: inherit;">Robert F. Barsky</b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> wrote </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">"</span><a href="https://www.yalejreg.com/nc/using-the-rhetoric-of-obscenity-against-vulnerable-migrants-amidst-the-coronavirus-pandemic-by-robert-f-barsky/" style="font-family: inherit;">Using the Rhetoric of Obscenity Against Vulnerable Migrants Amidst the Coronavirus Pandemic</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">" for the </span><i style="font-family: inherit;">Yale Journal of Regulation Blog</i><span style="font-family: inherit;"> (March 26). </span></li>
<li><b style="font-family: inherit;">Brie Williams, Cyrus Ahalt, David Cloud, Dallas Augustine, Leah Rorvig, </b><span style="font-family: inherit;">and </span><b style="font-family: inherit;">David Sears</b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> wrote "</span><a href="https://www.healthaffairs.org/do/10.1377/hblog20200324.784502/full/" style="font-family: inherit;">Correctional Facilities In The Shadow Of COVID-19: Unique Challenges And Proposed Solutions</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">" for </span><i style="font-family: inherit;">Health Affairs </i><span style="font-family: inherit;">(March 26).</span></li>
<li><b style="font-family: inherit;">Margo Schlanger and Sonja Starr</b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> wrote "</span><a href="https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2020/03/four-steps-prevent-coronavirus-prison-system-catastrophe.html" style="font-family: inherit;">Four Things Every Prison System Must Do Today</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">" for </span><i style="font-family: inherit;">Slate</i><span style="font-family: inherit;"> (March 27). </span></li>
<li><b style="font-family: inherit;">Gavin Yamey</b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> has written "<a href="https://time.com/5812616/protect-americas-vulnerable-coronavirus/">We Must Act Now to Protect America's Most Vulnerable from Coronavirus</a>" for <i>Time</i> (March 30). </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>Katherine Kaufka Walts</b> wrote "<a href="http://www.youthcirculations.com/blog/2020/3/30/deadly-consequences-of-business-as-usual-and-immigration-enforcement">Deadly Consequences of 'Business as Usual' and Immigration Enforcement</a>" for the <i>Youth Circulations Blog</i> (March 30) </span></li>
<li><b style="font-family: inherit;">Nasrul Ismail</b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> wrote</span><span style="font-family: inherit;"> "</span><a href="https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/covid-19-prison-population/" style="font-family: inherit;">COVID-19: Time to reduce the prison population in England and Wales</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">" for the </span><i style="font-family: inherit;">London School of Economics Blog </i><span style="font-family: inherit;">(March 30) </span></li>
<li><b style="font-family: inherit;">Katherine Beckett</b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> and </span><b style="font-family: inherit;">Anjum Hajat</b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> wrote "</span><a href="https://www.seattletimes.com/opinion/with-coronavirus-prison-and-jail-sentences-could-become-death-sentences/" style="font-family: inherit;">With coronavirus, prison and jail sentences could become death sentences</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">" for the </span><i style="font-family: inherit;">Seattle Times</i><span style="font-family: inherit;"> (March 31) </span></li>
<li><b style="font-family: inherit;">Vanessa Barker</b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> wrote </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">"</span><a href="https://www.law.ox.ac.uk/research-subject-groups/centre-criminology/centreborder-criminologies/blog/2020/04/social-borders" style="font-family: inherit;">The Social Borders of Covid-19: From Social Darwinism to Social Recognition</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">" for the </span><i style="font-family: inherit;">Border Criminologies Blog</i><span style="font-family: inherit;"> (April 1).</span></li>
<ul>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">And check out the <i><b><a href="https://www.law.ox.ac.uk/research-subject-groups/centre-criminology/centreborder-criminologies">Border Criminologies Blog</a></b></i> for more excellent coverage of immigration issues in Europe and beyond! </span></li>
</ul>
<li><b style="font-family: inherit;">Stephane D. Andrade, Brittany Pearl Battle, and Maretta McDonald </b><span style="font-family: inherit;">wrote </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">"</span><a href="https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2020/04/stimulus-bill-punishes-parents-child-support.html" style="font-family: inherit;">The Stimulus Bill Punishes Parents Behind on Child Support. Now Is Not the Time</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">." (</span><i style="font-family: inherit;">Slate</i><span style="font-family: inherit;">, April 1)</span></li>
<li><b style="font-family: inherit;">Johann Koehler</b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> wrote a (</span><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">March 31) </span></span><span style="font-family: inherit;">piece on the <i>London School of Economics Blog</i> <a href="https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/socialpolicy/2020/03/31/covid-19-recasts-criminal-justice-reforms-once-deemed-unthinkable/">"COVID-19 recasts criminal justice reforms once deemed ‘unthinkable,’"</a> which gives a much-needed multi-international perspective of what needs to be done.</span></li>
<li><b style="font-family: inherit;">Charlotte Rosen</b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> writes for </span><i style="font-family: inherit;">Belt Magazine</i><span style="font-family: inherit;"> about Pennsylvania facilities in the 1970s and 1980s when they also transferred prisoners due to unsafe conditions. The (April 3) article's tag line reads: </span><a href="https://beltmag.com/catastrophe-prison-jails-covid-19-coronvirus/" style="font-family: inherit;">"Facilities across the region have begun releasing incarcerated people due to dangerous conditions. It’s not the first time."</a></li>
<li><b>David Johnson</b> wrote an op-ed in the <i>Honolulu Civil Beat</i> (April 3) making the case for early releases of Hawaii's prisoners, both at home and abroad (since many are imprisoned on the Continent and not on the Islands). "<a href="https://www.civilbeat.org/2020/04/hawaii-needs-to-release-inmates-soon-and-on-a-large-scale/">Hawaii Needs To Release Inmates Soon, And On A Large Scale</a>." </li>
<li><b>Joss Soss</b> was <a href="https://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/how-the-criminal-justice-system-preys-on-the-poor">interviewed</a> by <i>Dissent Magazine</i> (April 6) about his book with <b>Josh Page</b> and about the pandemic and criminal justice predation. </li>
<li><b>Shaun Ossei-Owusu</b> wrote for the <i>Boston Review</i> (April 8) about the effect of the pandemic on vulnerable populations, including incarcerated people. "<a href="http://bostonreview.net/class-inequality-race-politics/shaun-ossei-owusu-coronavirus-and-politics-disposability">Coronavirus and the Politics of Disposability</a>." </li>
<li><b>Ian Loader</b> wrote "<a href="https://theconversation.com/coronavirus-why-we-must-tackle-hard-questions-about-police-power-135901">Coronavirus: why we must tackle hard questions about police power</a>" for The Conversation (April 8).</li>
<li><b><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>Sharon Dolovich</b><span style="font-weight: normal;"> writes for </span><i style="font-weight: normal;">The Appeal </i><span style="font-weight: normal;"><b><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">(April 10)</span></span></b>, linking the argument for necessary (for public health and humanitarian reasons) releases with the larger decarceration project. The title and tag line read: "</span><a href="https://theappeal.org/every-public-official-with-the-power-to-decarcerate-must-exercise-that-power-now/" style="font-weight: normal;">Every public official with the power to decarcerate must exercise that power now</a><span style="font-weight: normal;">[.] Doing so will save countless lives, and in the process, they may show us by example how to begin, finally, to dismantle mass incarceration for good." </span></span></b></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-weight: normal;"><b>John Pfaff</b><span style="font-weight: normal;"> wrote "</span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2020/04/10/prison-violent-offender-jail-coronavirus/?arc404=true" style="font-weight: normal;">The forever bars: </a><span style="font-family: inherit; font-weight: normal;"><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2020/04/10/prison-violent-offender-jail-coronavirus/?arc404=true">With the virus rampaging, too many people are in prison. But if we fail to free anyone locked up for violence, we won’t save enough lives</a>" for <i>The Washington Post</i>.</span></span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-weight: normal;"><div style="display: inline !important;">
<b>Sahar Aziz</b> wrote <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/anti-asian-racism-stopped-normalised-200412103717485.html">"Anti-Asian racism must be stopped before it is normalised"</a> for <i>Al Jazeera</i> (April 12).</div>
</span></span></li>
<li><b><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-weight: normal;"><div style="display: inline !important;">
<b>Heather Elliot</b> wrote "<a href="https://www.al.com/opinion/2020/04/parole-hearings-should-be-resumed-for-public-health.html">Parole hearings should be resumed for public health</a>" for <i>AL.com</i> (April 13).</div>
</span></span></b></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>J.J. Prescott, Benjamin Pyle, and Sonja Starr</b> writes for <i>Slate</i> about their research on recidivism and make the case for why people convicted of violent crimes need to be released. "<a href="https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2020/04/combat-covid-release-prisoners-violent-cook.html">It’s Time to Start Releasing Some Prisoners With Violent Records</a>" (April 13). </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>Rachel Ellis</b> has written "<a href="https://contexts.org/blog/welfare-policy-prisons-and-families-during-the-covid-19-pandemic/#ellis">Underpaid and unprotected: Prison labor in the age of coronavirus</a>" for the <i>Contexts Blog</i> (April 13).</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>Zoha Waseem</b> wrote "<a href="https://policinginsight.com/features/analysis/covid-19-in-south-asia-hard-policing-approach-has-left-police-ill-prepared-to-respond-to-a-pandemic/">Covid-19 in South Asia: ‘Hard policing’ approach has left police ill-prepared to respond to a pandemic</a>" for <i>Policing Insight</i> (April 14) </span></li>
<li><b style="font-family: inherit;">Candace McCoy</b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> wrote for <i>The American Prospect</i> "<a href="https://prospect.org/coronavirus/pandemic-depression-wont-increase-violent-crime/">Why the Pandemic Won’t Increase Violent Crime Even If It Triggers a Depression</a>" (April 15). </span></li>
<li><b style="font-family: inherit;">Ashley Rubin</b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> (that's me!) wrote a (April 15) piece in </span><i style="font-family: inherit;">The Conversation</i><span style="font-family: inherit;"> offering some 18th century historical perspective on the situation, contrasting the intentions for early prison design to the situation today. "</span><a href="https://theconversation.com/prisons-and-jails-are-coronavirus-epicenters-but-they-were-once-designed-to-prevent-disease-outbreaks-136036" style="font-family: inherit;">Prisons and jails are coronavirus epicenters – but they were once designed to prevent disease outbreaks</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">." </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>Olga Zeveleva</b> has written "<a href="https://blogs.helsinki.fi/gulagechoes/2020/04/15/prison-riots-and-the-covid-19-pandemic-a-global-uprising/">Prison Riots and the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Global Uprising?</a>" on the <i>Gulag Echoes Blog</i> (April 15). </span></li>
<li><b style="font-family: inherit;">Jamie Rowen</b><span style="font-family: inherit;"> wrote </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/8-ways-veterans-are-particularly-at-risk-from-the-coronavirus-pandemic-135619" style="font-family: inherit;">"8 ways veterans are particularly at risk from the coronavirus pandemic,"</a><span style="font-family: inherit;"> which includes a discussion of how the situation is playing out with veterans courts and justice-involved veterans (</span><i style="font-family: inherit;">The Conversation</i><span style="font-family: inherit;">, April 16).</span></li>
<li><b>Lucius Couloute</b> has written "<a href="https://contexts.org/blog/inequality-during-the-coronavirus-pandemic/#lucius">Prisons as a public health threat during covid-19</a>" for the <i>Contexts Blog</i> (April 16) </li>
<li><b>Tyler Winkelman, Michelle S. Phelps, Kelly Lyn Mithcell, Latasha Jennings, Rebecca Shlafer</b> have posted "<a href="https://robinainstitute.umn.edu/news-views/community-supervision-and-covid-19-pandemic-why-we-need-build-more-integrated-health">Community Supervision and the COVID-19 Pandemic: Why We Need to Build a More Integrated Health System</a>" to the Robina Institute of Criminal Law and Criminal Justice Blog (April 17). </li>
<li><b>Eve Hanan</b> wrote "<a href="https://thenevadaindependent.com/article/its-time-to-release-some-inmates-to-reduce-the-coronavirus-risk-in-prisons">It’s time to release some inmates to reduce the coronavirus risk in prisons</a>" for the <i>The Nevada Independent</i> (April 18). </li>
<li><b>Adelina Iftene</b> wrote "<a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/april-2020/we-must-decarcerate-across-the-country-then-fix-the-prison-system/">We must decarcerate across the country, then fix the prison system</a>" for <i>Policy Options </i>(April 20). The tag line reads "COVID-19 is a match in a tinderbox created by years of overcrowding in appalling conditions in our prisons. We have a responsibility to do better." </li>
<li><b>Mitra Sharafi</b> wrote "<a href="https://www.himalmag.com/pandemic-or-poison-2020/">Pandemic or poison? How epidemics shaped Southasia's legal history</a>" for <i>Himal Southasian</i> (April 20). </li>
<li><b>John Eason</b> wrote "<a href="http://punishment-society.blogspot.com/2020/04/why-are-black-folks-dying-of-covid.html">Why are black folks dying of COVID?: The Simple Answer</a>" for the <i>Punishment & Society Blog</i> (April 22)</li>
<li><b>Lisa Kerr</b> wrote "<a href="https://theconversation.com/coronavirus-in-prisons-how-and-why-to-release-inmates-in-a-pandemic-136676">Coronavirus in prisons: How and why to release inmates in a pandemic</a>" for <i>The Conversation</i> (April 21) </li>
<li><b>Hilary Marland, Clare Anderson, </b>and <b>William Murphy</b> wrote "<a href="https://theconversation.com/coronavirus-a-history-of-pandemics-in-prison-136776">Coronavirus: a history of pandemics in prison</a>" for <i>The Conversation</i> (April 22)</li>
</ul>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">Additionally, <b>Alex Luscombe</b> and <b>Alexander McClelland</b> have created a fantastic website tracking how Canadian authorities are <a href="https://www.policingthepandemic.ca/">Policing the Pandemic</a>, complete with database and white paper. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">There have been some helpful twitter threads (although I'm biased, since I'm including some of mine below) as well as some regular helpful sources of information, including DC-based defense attorney <a href="https://twitter.com/jameskzeigler">@jameskzeigler</a> and the account <a href="https://twitter.com/Prison_Health">@prison_health</a>.</span><br />
<ul>
<li>Here's a short <a href="https://twitter.com/nvancleve/status/1237728664214790148">thread</a> from Nicole Gonzales Van Cleve about how the pandemic-related lockdowns (and not-lockdowns) are affecting courts. </li>
<li>Here's a long <a href="https://twitter.com/ashleytrubin/status/1246118887013244928">thread</a> from me discussing the role of disease in penal reform throughout US history. </li>
<li>Here's another, medium <a href="https://twitter.com/ashleytrubin/status/1249752480839172100">thread</a> from me using examples from the punishment and society literature to illustrate how our thinking about the pandemic trends are hurting our response.</li>
<li>Here's yet another, sort of short <a href="https://twitter.com/ashleytrubin/status/1252350285424455693">thread</a> from me discussing releases from prisons in light of the research. </li>
</ul>
<br />
<h3>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">Fourth, there are a number of stories in mainstream and local news </span></h3>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">...that have been </span>covering<span style="font-family: inherit;"> these stories <u>since the beginning</u>. While the number of articles has </span>accelerated,<span style="font-family: inherit;"> pretty much keeping pace with the scale of the pandemic (hence the "overwhelming" comment above), some <u>early stories warned about a disaster waiting happen</u>. </span><br />
<ul>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">February 29: "<a href="https://thehill.com/opinion/criminal-justice/485236-4-ways-to-protect-our-jails-and-prisons-from-coronavirus">4 ways to protect our jails and prisons from coronavirus</a>" (Homer Venters, <i>The Hill</i>)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 3: "<a href="https://papost.org/2020/03/03/coronavirus-could-pose-big-problem-for-pennsylvania-prisons-and-jails/">Coronavirus could pose big problem for Pennsylvania prisons and jails: Applying lessons from the 2009 H1N1 pandemic</a>" (Joseph Darius Jaafar, PA Post)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 5: "</span><a href="https://thecrimereport.org/2020/03/05/prisons-called-perfect-breeding-ground-for-covid-19/" style="font-family: inherit;">Prisons Called ‘Fertile Ground’ for Spread of COVID-19 Virus</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">" (Andrea Cipriano, The Crime Report)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 5: "<a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-03-05/coronavirus-california-prison-plan">Coronavirus plan for California prisons raises inmate and advocate concerns</a>" (Paige St. John, LA Times)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 6: "<a href="https://theoutline.com/post/8770/prison-coronavirus-covid-19-outbreak?zd=1&zi=wtoktgo6">U.S. prisons are not ready for coronavirus</a>" (P. Leila Barghouty, <i>The Outline</i>)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 7: <a href="https://www.theverge.com/2020/3/7/21167807/coronavirus-prison-jail-health-outbreak-covid-19-flu-soap">"Prisons and jails are vulnerable to COVID-19 outbreaks"</a> (Nicole Wetsman, <i>The Verge</i>)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 7: "<a href="https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/investigations/2020/03/07/prison-policies-inmates-best-coronavirus-practices/4978412002/">Soap and sanitizer can keep coronavirus at bay, but many prisoners can't get them</a>"</span><span style="font-family: inherit;"> (Keri Blakinger and Beth Schwartzapfel, <i>USA Today</i>)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 9: "</span><a href="https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2020/03/new-york-prison-labor-hand-sanitizer-coronavirus.html" style="font-family: inherit;">New York Will Use Prison Labor to Make Hand Sanitizer</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">" (Aaron Mak, </span><i style="font-family: inherit;">Slate</i><span style="font-family: inherit;">)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 10: "</span><a href="https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2020/03/elizabeth-warren-just-told-private-prisons-to-release-their-coronavirus-plans/" style="font-family: inherit;">Elizabeth Warren Just Told Private Prisons to Release Their Coronavirus Plans</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">" (Nathalie Baptiste, </span><i style="font-family: inherit;">Mother Jones</i><span style="font-family: inherit;">)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 11: "</span><a href="https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2020/03/coronavirus-civil-rights-jails-and-prisons.html" style="font-family: inherit;">The Coronavirus Could Spark a Humanitarian Disaster in Jails and Prisons</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">" (Premal Dharia, </span><i style="font-family: inherit;">Slate</i><span style="font-family: inherit;">) </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 11: "<a href="https://abcnews.go.com/US/state-prisons-prepare-coronavirus-federal-prisons-providing-significant/story?id=69433690">State prisons prepare for coronavirus but federal prisons not providing significant guidance, sources say Prisons could face major hurdles if officers or prisoners contract COVID-19</a>" (Luke Barr and Christina Carrega, <i>ABC News</i>) </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">[<i><b>Worldwide pandemic declared on March 11</b></i>]</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 12: "<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/12/us/coronavirus-police-jails-courthouses.html?action=click&module=RelatedLinks&pgtype=Article">Justice Is Blind. What if She Also Has the Coronavirus?</a>" (Richard A. Oppel Jr. and Serge F. Kovaleski, <i>New York Times</i>)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 13: "<a href="https://www.huffpost.com/entry/pretrial-detention-coronavirus-money-bail_n_5e6c24a6c5b6bd8156f7647a?guccounter=1">Nearly 500,000 People Who Have Not Been Convicted Are In Jail At High Coronavirus Risk</a>" (Jessica Schulberg, Huffington Post)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 13: <a href="https://theappeal.org/jails-coronavirus-covid-19-pandemic-flattening-curve/?fbclid=IwAR1K9cf0ardpNwIfxtzjLlegqusQ4l_ZpY1MEuagMfcnqsttzMi5aGlKnCQ">"Why Jails are Key to 'Flattening the Curve' of Coronavirus"</a> (Kelsey Kauffman, <i>The Appeal</i>) </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 13: </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">"</span><a href="https://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/staffer-at-monroe-state-prison-tests-positive-for-coronavirus-doc-says/" style="font-family: inherit;">Staffer at Monroe state prison tests positive for coronavirus, DOC says</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">"</span><span style="font-family: inherit;"> (</span><i style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-style: normal;">Jim Brunner, </span>Seattle Times</i><span style="font-family: inherit;">) </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 16: <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/16/opinion/coronavirus-in-jails.html">"An Epicenter of the Pandemic Will Be Jails and Prisons, if Inaction Continues"</a> (Amanda Klonsky, <i>New York Times</i> - Opinion) </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 17: </span>"<a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2020/3/17/21181515/coronavirus-covid-19-jails-prisons-mass-incarceration">A coronavirus outbreak in jails or prisons could turn into a nightmare</a>" (German Lopez, <i>Vox</i>)</li>
<li>March 18: "<a href="https://theintercept.com/2020/03/18/coronavirus-rikers-island-jail/">Coronavirus has arrived at Rikers Island: Inside New York City Jails, Where the Pandemic is Set to Explode</a>" (Nick Pinto, <i>The Intercept</i>)</li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 24: <a href="https://www.wired.com/story/coronavirus-covid-19-jails-prisons/">"Covid-19 Poses a Heightened Threat in Jails and Prisons"</a> (Emma Grey Ellis, <i>Wired</i>) </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><i>Offering a more international perspective</i>: March 25: <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-prisoners-released/lock-em-up-or-let-em-out-coronavirus-prompts-wave-of-prisoner-releases-idUSKBN21C38R">"Lock 'em up or let 'em out? Coronavirus prompts wave of prisoner releases"</a> (Luke Baker, <i>Reuters</i>)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 30: "<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/30/us/coronavirus-prisons-jails.html">‘Jails Are Petri Dishes’: Inmates Freed as the Virus Spreads Behind Bars</a>" (Timothy Williams, Benjamin Weiser and William K. Rashbaum, <i>New York Times</i>)</span></li>
</ul>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;">Perhaps the first warning sign that tipped us off was the release of prisoners in Iran in early March. On this, see: </span></div>
<div>
<ul>
<li><span style="letter-spacing: 0.3pt;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-51723398">"Coronavirus: Iran temporarily frees 54,000 prisoners to combat spread"</a> (March 3, BBC) </span></span></li>
</ul>
</div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">A lot of the stories, both early and more recent, have documented what we (scholars) already knew about the poor hygiene and health care in jails and prisons and that is documented in our research. These new stories show that things are not necessarily getting better and there have been insufficient changes in many facilities. </span><br />
<ul>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/melissasegura/prison-inmates-covid-19-coronavirus"><i>Buzzfeed</i></a> "This Man Says Inmates At His Prison Are Getting No Medical Care For COVID-19" (Melissa Segura, April 10)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-03-30/coronavirus-inmates-hygiene-supply-shortage-la-jails"><i>LA Times</i></a> "L.A. jail inmates say lack of soap and toilet paper heightens coronavirus fear: ‘Like slow torture’" (Alene Tchekmedyian and Matt Hamilton, March 30)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="https://abcnews.go.com/Health/shampoo-watery-soap-disinfect-conditions-rikers-island-covid/story?id=69767859">ABC News</a> "Shampoo, watery soap to disinfect: Conditions on Rikers Island during COVID-19 unsafe, some inmates say" (Christina Carrega, March 29)</span></li>
</ul>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">We're also seeing a lot of articles about specific hot spots like Chicago, Louisiana, and a federal prison:</span><br />
<ul>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="https://theintercept.com/2020/04/07/louisiana-coronavirus-prisons/"><i>The Intercept</i></a>: "Louisiana's Coronavirus Plan for Prisons Could Create Death Camps" (Alice Speri and Akela Lacy, April 7) </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="https://www.themarshallproject.org/2020/04/08/i-was-at-rikers-while-coronavirus-spread-getting-out-was-just-as-surreal">Marshall Project</a>: "I Was at Rikers While Coronavirus Spread. Getting Out Was Just as Surreal." (Donald Kagan as told to Nicole Lewis, April 8) </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/inside-the-deadliest-federal-prison-the-seeping-coronavirus-creates-fear-and-danger/2020/04/09/deeceb6e-75b4-11ea-a9bd-9f8b593300d0_story.html"><i>Washington Post</i></a>: "Inside the deadliest federal prison, the seeping coronavirus creates fear and danger" (Kimberly Kindy, April 10)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="https://abc7chicago.com/3rd-cook-county-jail-detainee-with-covid-19-dies/6098349/">ABC News</a>: "3rd Cook County Jail detainee dies after testing positive for COVID-19" (April 12) </span></li>
</ul>
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Another trend worth emphasizing is the growing use of incarcerated people as labor sources, often with cruel twists (like creating hygiene supplies they are forbidden from using themselves). These articles are also listed above.<br />
<ul>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">March 9: "</span><a href="https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2020/03/new-york-prison-labor-hand-sanitizer-coronavirus.html" style="font-family: inherit;">New York Will Use Prison Labor to Make Hand Sanitizer</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">" (Aaron Mak, </span><i style="font-family: inherit;">Slate</i><span style="font-family: inherit;">)</span></li>
<li>Ryan Grim "<a href="https://theintercept.com/2020/03/31/rikers-island-coronavirus-mass-graves/">Rikers Island Prisoners are Being Offered PPE and $6 an Hour to Dig Mass Graves</a>" (March 31) </li>
<li><span style="font-family: inherit;">Rachel Ellis "<a href="https://contexts.org/blog/welfare-policy-prisons-and-families-during-the-covid-19-pandemic/#ellis">Underpaid and unprotected: Prison labor in the age of coronavirus</a>" for the <i>Contexts Blog</i> (April 13).</span></li>
</ul>
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<i>Punishment scholars: let me know if you have written something I can post here! </i><br />
<i><br /></i>
<i>Also, if you can't find a good home for an op-ed, or you want a faster turnaround, please email me to post a blog piece on here. </i></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-38289976370464539552020-03-15T11:05:00.002-07:002020-03-29T11:39:50.811-07:00UPDATED Working List of Online Videos (Talks, Interviews)<b>Roundup from around YouTube and elsewhere:</b><br />
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCVhQn5PcFJ5BOGGVZ4w2yUQ">Border Criminologies</a> have a YouTube channel with a bunch of short talks and interviews that will be of interest, including a snippet from P&S Member <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dSQcbuXE2dY">Vanessa Barker</a>.</li>
<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC0No6lcvAPjqHqYB3uzzIWA">Criminologists Without Borders</a> have a series of interviews with criminologists around the world (including a recently posted <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XprWylT4tPE&feature=youtu.be">interview with Malcolm Feeley and Jonathan Simon</a>). </li>
<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n0zkOFzkpeY">David Garland, "What is the Welfare State?"</a> (2014)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5rDo5RSNFJs&feature=youtu.be">David Garland on "Penal Populism"</a> (2015) - short!</li>
<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u51_pzax4M0&feature=youtu.be">Bruce Western on "Mass Incarceration"</a> (2015) - short!</li>
<li><a href="https://youtu.be/cZeK4X0mHy0">Vanessa Barker on "Nordic Nationalism"</a> at Symposium on Migration, Pufenforf Institute for Advanced Studies, Lund (2018)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KPO3EkA__Xg">Ashley Rubin on "A Brief History of Prisons"</a> at TEDxMississauga (2019)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wvPNjpjZeTU&feature=youtu.be">Danny LaChance on "Death Penalty: The Cultural Life of Capital Punishment, 1977-Present"</a> at Duke (2016)</li>
<li>Jill McCorkle on <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=igzCbrQQHbQ">"MeToo and Mass Incarceration"</a> at TEDxVillanovaU (2020). </li>
</ul>
<div>
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<b>Past P&S Digital Speaker Series:</b><br />
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EvPMgLB6kVI&t=2100s">Sarah Lageson, "Criminal Records as Big Data Commodity"</a> (January 2018)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_VA3sG_u3TQ">Alexandra Cox, "Trapped in a Vice: The Consequences of Confinement for Young People"</a> (February 2018)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M2M7WTZ29SA">Fergus McNeill, "Pervasive Punishment: Experiencing and Representing 'Mass Supervision'"</a> (March 2018)<h1 class="title style-scope ytd-video-primary-info-renderer" style="border: 0px; color: var(--ytd-video-primary-info-renderer-title-color, var(--yt-primary-text-color)); font-family: Roboto, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: var(--ytd-video-primary-info-renderer-title-font-size, 1.8rem); font-variant: var(--ytd-video-primary-info-renderer-title-font-variant, inherit); font-weight: 400; line-height: 2.4rem; margin: 0px; max-height: 4.8rem; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; text-shadow: var(--ytd-video-primary-info-renderer-title-text-shadow, none); transform: var(--ytd-video-primary-info-renderer-title-transform, none);">
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<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9SkL_JwEUfs">Allison McKim, "Addicted to Rehab: Race, Gender, and Treatment in the Era of Mass Incarceration"</a> (April 2018)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3jomBGijEhU&app=desktop">Chase Burton, "Machinery of Demons: Crime and the Uncanny Mind in the Nineteenth Century United States"</a> (May 2018)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2SuY9ReHzHE">Michelle Phelps, "Governing Marginality: Coercion and Care in Probation Supervision"</a> (October 2018)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_uzK0kGcsEE">Philip Goodman, "‘Work Your Story’: Selective Flexible Disclosure (SFD), Stigma Management, and Getting a Job After Prison"</a> (January 2019)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7xixqW-Z3Pw&feature=youtu.be">Liz Chiarello, "Shared Technology, Competing Logics: How Healthcare Providers And Law Enforcement Agents Use Prescription Drug Monitoring Programs To Combat Prescription Drug Abuse" </a>(March 2019)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bJGaN1G4P-w">Kristin O'Brassill-Kulfan “'Ten Lashes upon her Naked Back': Criminalizing Poverty in the US, from the 18th Century to the Present"</a> (May 2019)</li>
</ul>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-59511700508849234302020-02-25T10:08:00.001-08:002020-02-25T10:08:31.409-08:00Members' Publications: February 2020 Edition<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
<i style="caret-color: rgb(102, 102, 102); color: #666666; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 15.399999618530273px; text-align: start;">As compiled by Kaitlyn Quinn</i></div>
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LAW AND SOCIETY ASSOCIATION<o:p></o:p></div>
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<b>Collaborative Research Network: Punishment and Society<o:p></o:p></b></div>
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<u>Organizers:<o:p></o:p></u></div>
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Hadar Aviram, UC Hastings College of Law, USA<o:p></o:p></div>
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Ashley Rubin, University of Hawai<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">ʻ</span>i at M<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">ā</span>noa, USA<o:p></o:p></div>
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<b>RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS<o:p></o:p></b></div>
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<b>February 2020<o:p></o:p></b></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: white;">Black, Lynsey, Seal, Lizzie and Seemungal, Florence.</span></b><span style="background-color: white;"> 2019 (advance online). “Public opinion on crime, punishment and the death penalty in Barbados.” <i>Punishment & Society</i> [Access it </span><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1462474519881989" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">here</span></a><span style="background-color: white;">]</span><o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">The bulk of extant research on public opinion on crime and punishment is focused on Global North nations. This article contributes a new perspective to the literature on punitivism by examining public opinion on crime, punishment and the death penalty in Barbados. The article presents insights from exploratory focus group research conducted in Barbados in 2017. These findings are particularly relevant as Barbadian lawmakers navigate reform of the nation’s death penalty law. While the focus groups reveal anxieties that echo those identified in other jurisdictions, related to nostalgia for the past and concern regarding social order for instance, they also demonstrate the specific relevance of time and place. Using approaches from Caribbean Criminology and drawing on post-colonial perspectives, the article examines the context of views on punishment in Barbados, including perceptions of ‘neo-colonial’ interference and concerns about what can be lost in the process of ‘progress’.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: white;">Campbell, Michael, Schoenfeld, Heather and Vaughn, Paige.</span></b><span style="background-color: white;"> 2019 (online first). “Same old song and dance? An analysis of legislative activity in a period of penal reform.” <i>Punishment & Society</i>. [Access it </span><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1462474519887945" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">here</span></a><span style="background-color: white;">]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">After years of tough-on-crime politics and increasingly punitive sentencing in the United States, economic, political, and social shifts in the 21st century have created new opportunities for opponents of the penal status quo. By 2013, a majority of states had enacted some type of reform aimed at reducing prison populations. An emerging body of punishment and society scholarship seeks to understand the possibilities and characteristics of reform efforts by examining enacted state legislation. In this article, we use a unique data set of all proposed and passed bills in three legislative sessions in New Jersey between 2001 and 2013 to provide a nuanced empirical account of change and continuity in penal logics in the period of reform. Even when not enacted, proposed legislation shapes the penal field by introducing new ideas that are later incorporated into rhetoric, policy, or practice. Proposed bills that never become law can also alter the political calculus for reformers or their opponents. Our findings demonstrate that by expanding our universe of data, we gain insight into characteristics of “late mass incarceration” that we might otherwise miss. In particular, while we find evidence of decarceration and bifurcation logics, our analysis also demonstrates that state lawmakers continue to participate in “crime control theater” and reproduce the same punitive penal logics that helped build the carceral state.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /><b><span style="background-color: white;">Garland, David.</span></b><span style="background-color: white;"> 2019. “Reading Foucault: An Ongoing Engagement.” <i>Journal of Law and Society</i> 46(4): 640-661. [Access it </span><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/jols.12191" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">here</span></a><span style="background-color: white;">]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, serif; font-size: 10pt;">This article is a contribution to the occasional series dealing with a major book that has influenced the author. </span><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b>Garland, David.</b> 2019 (advance online). “Penal Controls and Social Controls: Toward a Theory of American Penal Exceptionalism.” <i>Punishment & Society</i> [Access it <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1462474519881992" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-size: 10pt;">This article argues that to explain American penal exceptionalism, we have to consider America’s exceptional levels of punishment together with America’s exceptional levels of violence and disorder, while understanding both of these as outcomes of America’s distinctive political economy. After specifying the multiple respects in which American penality is a comparative outlier, the article develops a new theorization of modes of penal action that reveals the extent to which the US has come to rely on penal controls rather than other kinds of punishment. This over-reliance on penal controls is viewed as an adaptation to the weakness of non-penal social controls in American communities. These social control deficits are, in turn, attributed to America’s ultra-liberal political economy, which is seen as having detrimental effects for the functioning of families and communities, tending to reduce the effectiveness of informal social controls and to generate high levels of neighborhood disorganization and violence. The same political economy limits the capacity of government to respond to these structurally-generated problems using the social policy interventions characteristic of more fully-developed welfare states. The result is a marked bias towards the use of penal controls.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: white;">Iftene, Adelina, Downie, Jocelyn, and Steeves, Megan</span></b><span style="background-color: white;">. 2019. “Assisted Dying for Prison Populations: Lessons from and for Abroad.” <i>Medical Law International</i> 19(2-3): 207-225. [Access it </span><a href="https://works.bepress.com/adelina-iftene/12/" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">here</span></a><span style="background-color: white;">]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 10pt;">Canadian federal legislation setting out the framework for medical assistance in dying (MAiD) in Canada came into effect in June 2016. Because of section 86(1) of the Corrections and Conditional Release Act, as soon as MAiD became available in the community, it also needed to be made available to federal prisoners. There are some good reasons to be concerned about MAiD in the Canadian corrections system based on logistical, legal, and moral considerations. Fortunately, Canada is not the first country to decriminalize assisted dying and so Canadian policies and practices can be compared to others and take some lessons from their experiences. Thus, by reviewing the legal status of assisted dying in prisons internationally, the regulation of assisted dying, demand for assisted dying from prisoners, and the process for prisoners accessing assisted dying, this article offers a comparative overview of assisted dying for prisoners around the world in an effort to inform Canadian and other jurisdictions’ law, policy, and practice.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b>Kaufman, Sarah Beth.</b> 2019. Book Review: “Judge and Punish: The Penal State on Trial.” <i>Contemporary Sociology</i>48(6): 651-652. [Access it <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0094306119880196i" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<br /><br /><o:p></o:p></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: white;">Kaufman, Sarah Beth</span></b><span style="background-color: white;">. 2019. “The Criminalization of Muslims in the United States, 2016.” <i>Qualitative Sociology</i> 42: 521–542. [Access it </span><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs11133-019-09435-x" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">here</span></a><span style="background-color: white;">]</span><o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-size: 10pt;">The criminalization of Muslims—framing an Islamic religious identity as a problem to be solved using state crime control logic—is undeniably in process in the United States. Local, state, and federal statutes target Muslims for surveillance and exclusion, and media sources depict Muslims as synonymous with terrorism, as others have shown. This paper analyzes the public’s role in the criminalization of Islam, which I call “cr-Islamization.” Drawing on in-depth, qualitative interviews in a major South-west city during the lead-up to the 2016 presidential election, I detail how the majority of 144 politically, racially, and economically diverse interviewees talk about Muslims as a potential “racial threat,” using “fear of crime” language indicative of the mass incarceration era. This suggests that criminalization theory should be central to sociological studies of Muslims in the contemporary United States, and that criminalization rhetoric remains powerful, despite mainstream enthusiasm for criminal justice reform. I argue that criminalization’s power might reside in its ability to mutate in the “post-racial” era. The mechanisms supporting crimmigration, the criminalization of black Americans, and cr-Islamization are related but not identical. Muslims are religiously and racially subjugated, but more economically secure compared to other criminalized groups. This paper’s findings should prompt scholars to re-examine the relationships between racialization, criminalization, religious subjugation, and economic exploitation in the twenty-first century United States.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: white;">Kaufman, Sarah Beth and Niner, Hanna</span></b><span style="background-color: white;">. 2019. “Muslim Victimization in the Contemporary US: Clarifying the Racialization Thesis.” <i>Critical Criminology</i> 27: 485–502. [Access it </span><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs10612-018-09428-2" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">here</span></a><span style="background-color: white;">]</span><o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-size: 10pt;">This article draws on in-depth, qualitative interviews with Muslim and non-Muslim Americans in 2016 to specify how Muslim "racialization" is shaped by the racial politics of the United States (US). Anti-Muslim bias is not experienced by religious Muslims as a whole, but by people whose bodies are read to be affiliated with the Islamic religion-often erroneously because of their perceived racial characteristics. Self-identified black, white, and Hispanic Muslims with no visible markers of their religion do not experience anti-Muslim harassment, while non-Muslim Christians, Hindus, and Sikhs who embody an imagined "Muslim look," cope with fear and aggression from strangers on a daily basis. These findings are notable for two reasons. First, our respondents demonstrate how racialized religion is mutable: they are active in constructing how Islam is read on their bodies in public. Second, our findings demonstrate how hate crime categorization in the US obscures the role that racism plays in religious victimization. We urge scholars who study anti-Muslim acts to include non-Muslims in their analyses, and advocate for the re-conceptualization of identity based hate crime categories. Excavating the corporeality of criminal victimization in particular can help to understand the ways in which biases are experienced in the contemporary US. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /><b><span style="background-color: white;">McNeill, Fergus. </span></b><span style="background-color: white;">2020.<b> </b>“Penal and Welfare Conditionality: Discipline or degradation.” <i>Social and Policy Administration</i> 54(2): 295-310. [Access it </span><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/spol.12549" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">here</span></a><span style="background-color: white;">]</span><o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">This paper aims to complement analyses of welfare conditionality by examining what can be learned from studies of<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">conditional punishment in the criminal justice system. Drawing on a range of recent studies, I explore lived experiences of the conditionality attendant on penal forms of supervision; penal forms that have expanded rapidly in recent decades. I argue that, to paraphrase Stan Cohen, such supervision is as much about the dispersal of degradation as it is about the dispersal of discipline. Indeed, in contemporary western societies, both in punishment and in welfare systems, I suggest that conditionality functions less to discipline poor and marginalised people and more to disqualify them from the entitlements of ordinary citizenship. In so doing, conditionality constructs them as denizens, thus serving to limit the liabilities for the state that arise from social inequalities. Extending Delroy Fletcher and Sharon Wright's metaphor, the abusive slaps now meted out in concert by both hands of the penal state are as much about degrading and denying the entitlements of “needy” denizens as they are about influencing their conduct. But crucially, even within the increasingly restrictive context created by these developments,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">penal practitioners can and do provide care and assistance.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: white;">Phelps, Michelle.</span></b><span style="background-color: white;"> 2020. “Mass Probation from Micro to Macro: Tracing the Expansion and Consequences of Community Supervision.” <i>Annual Review of Criminology</i> 3: 261-279. [Access it </span><a href="https://www.annualreviews.org/doi/abs/10.1146/annurev-criminol-011419-041352" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">here</span></a><span style="background-color: white;">]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">Between 1980 and 2007, probation rates in the United States skyrocketed alongside imprisonment rates; since 2007, both forms of criminal justice control have declined in use. Although a large literature in criminology and related fields has explored the causes and consequences of mass incarceration, very little research has explored the parallel rise of mass probation. This review takes stock of our knowledge of probation in the United States. In the first section, I trace the expansion of probation historically, across states, and for specific demographic groups. I then summarize the characteristics of adults on probation today and what we know about probation revocation. Lastly, I review the nascent literature on the causal effects of probation for individuals, families, neighborhoods, and society. I end by discussing a plan for research and the growing movement to blunt the harms of mass supervision.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: white;">Aviram, Hadar.</span></b><span style="background-color: white;"> 2020</span>. <i>Yesterday’s Monsters: The Manson Family Cases and the Illusion of Parole. </i>University of California Press. [More information <a href="https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520291553/yesterdays-monsters" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-size: 10pt;">In 1969, the world was shocked by a series of murders committed by Charles Manson and his “family” of followers. Although the defendants were sentenced to death in 1971, their sentences were commuted to life with parole in 1972; since 1978, they have been regularly attending parole hearings. Today all of the living defendants remain behind bars.<br /><br />Relying on nearly fifty years of parole hearing transcripts, as well as interviews and archival materials, Hadar Aviram invites readers into the opaque world of the California parole process—a realm of almost unfettered administrative discretion, prison programming inadequacies, high-pitched emotions, and political pressures. Yesterday’s Monsters offers a fresh longitudinal perspective on extreme punishment.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /><b>Fleury-Steiner, B., & Nielsen, L. B. (eds)</b> 2019. <i>The new civil rights research: A constitutive approach.</i> Routledge (originally published 2006). [More information <a href="https://www.crcpress.com/The-New-Civil-Rights-Research-A-Constitutive-Approach/Nielsen/p/book/9780815398028" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-size: 10pt;">First published in 2006, this book brings together some of the most innovative and important research on civil rights law and legality, this book draws on narratives of individuals from a variety of contexts to provide a rich and contextualized understanding of what happens when law interacts with other competing systems or forms of social organization. By privileging the real world experiences of those most influenced by rights, the collection moves beyond the traditional polarizing debates and presents a constitutive approach to rights that is not reducible to a simple 'for or against' rights formula. While this complex consciousness approach often contributes to the reproduction of dominant-subordinate social relations, it also allows for spaces of resisting existing hierarchical structures embedded in various law-related sites.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: white;">Iftene, Adelina.</span></b><span style="background-color: white;"> 2019. <i>Punished for Aging: Vulnerability, Rights and Access to Justice in Canadian Penitentiaries.</i>University of Toronto Press. [More information </span><a href="https://utorontopress.com/us/punished-for-aging-3" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">here</span></a><span style="background-color: white;">]</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; color: #777777;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 10pt;">Built around the experiences of older prisoners, <em>Punished for Aging</em> looks at the challenges individuals face in Canadian penitentiaries and their struggles for justice. Through firsthand accounts and quantitative data drawn from extensive interviews, this book brings forward the experiences of federally incarcerated people living their "golden years" behind bars. These experiences show the limited ability of the system to respond to heightened needs, while also raising questions about how international and national laws and policies are applied, and why they fail to ensure the safety and well-being of incarcerated individuals. In so doing, Adelina Iftene explores the shortcomings of institutional processes, prison-monitoring mechanisms, and legal remedies available in courts and tribunals, which leave prisoners vulnerable to rights abuses.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 10pt;">Some of the problems addressed in this book are not new; however, the demographic shift and the increase in people dying in prisons after long, inadequately addressed illnesses, with few release options, adds a renewed sense of urgency to reform. Working from the interview data, contextualized by participants’ lived experiences, and building on previous work, Iftene seeks solutions for such reform, which would constitute a significant step forward not only in protecting older prisoners, but in consolidating the status of incarcerated individuals as holders of substantive rights.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b>Iftene, Adelina.</b> 2019. “Incarceration in Canada: Risks to and Opportunities for Public Health.” In Tracey Bailey, Tess Sheldon, and Jacob Shelley (eds) <i>Public Health Law and Policy in Canada </i>(4<sup>th</sup> edition). LexisNexis Canada. [More information <a href="https://store.lexisnexis.ca/en/categories/shop-by-jurisdiction/federal-13/public-health-law-policy-in-canada-4th-edition-skusku-cad-00698/details" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: white;">Iftene, Adelina</span></b>. 2019. “Mr. Big: The Undercover Breach of the Right against Self-Incrimination.” In C. Hunt (ed) <i>Perspectives on the Law of Privilege</i>. Thomson Reuters. [More information <a href="https://store.thomsonreuters.ca/en-ca/pdp/perspectives-on-evidentiary-privileges/30835873" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<b>Lobel, Jules and Scharff Smith, Peter</b> <b>(eds)</b> 2019. <i>Solitary Confinement: Effects, Practices, and Pathways toward Reform.</i> Oxford University Press. [More information <a href="https://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/oso/9780190947927.001.0001/oso-9780190947927" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-size: 10pt;">The use of solitary confinement in prisons became common with the rise of the modern penitentiary during the first half of the nineteenth century and his since remained a feature of many prison systems all over the world. Solitary confinement is used for a panoply of different reasons although research tells us that these practices have widespread negative health effects. Besides the death penalty, it is arguably the most punitive and dangerous intervention available to state authorities in democratic nations. Nevertheless, in the United States there are currently an estimated 80,000 to 100,000 prisoners in small cells for more than 22 hours per day with little or no social contact and no physical contact visits with family or friends. Even in Scandinavia, thousands of prisoners are placed in solitary confinement every year and with an alarming frequency. These facts have spawned international interest in this topic and a growing international reform movement, which includes researchers, litigators, and human rights defenders as well as prison staff and prisoners. This book is the first to take a broad international comparative approach and to apply an interdisciplinary lens to this subject. In this volume neuroscientists, high-level prison officials, social and political scientists, medical doctors, lawyers, and former prisoners and their families from different countries will address the effects and practices of prolonged solitary confinement and the movement for its reform and abolition.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-72272185522961639122019-11-28T17:04:00.003-08:002019-11-28T17:04:39.374-08:00Members' Publications: November 2019 Edition<i style="font-family: "times new roman";">As compiled by Kaitlyn Quinn</i><br />
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">LAW AND SOCIETY ASSOCIATION<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Collaborative Research Network: Punishment and Society<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Organizers:<o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hadar Aviram, UC Hastings College of Law, USA<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ashley Rubin, University of Hawai</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: "Times New Roman";">ʻ</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">i at M</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: "Times New Roman";">ā</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">noa, USA</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">November 2019<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<b><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">ARTICLES<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Briggs, Jacqueline.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2019 “Exemplary Punishment: T.R.L. MacInnes, the Department of Indian Affairs, and Indigenous Executions, 1936–52.” <i>Canadian Historical Review</i> 100(3): 398-438. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">[Access it </span><a href="https://doi.org/10.3138/chr.2018-0044" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">This article focuses on a series of death penalty recommendations written by Department of Indian Affairs (dia) Secretary Thomas Robert Loftus (T.R.L.) MacInnes between 1936 and 1952, arguing that these recommendations contributed to the increase in Indigenous executions in the 1940s. Identifying MacInnes as a “born bureaucrat” and member of the governing elite in a brief biographical sketch, professional and personal connections are drawn between MacInnes and Duncan Campbell Scott, arguing that MacInnes inherited Scott’s legacy and extended his influence for another generation in the department. A discussion of the social and political context of the dia in the 1940s describes changes in the department at the culmination of a long period of policy stability stretching from the early nineteenth century. Attention is paid to networks of knowledge production and centralization of control at dia headquarters in Ottawa, and how the information collected from the field enabled MacInnes to claim expertise as an amateur criminologist. An analysis of themes in the recommendations reveals a reliance on tropes from the quasi science of criminal anthropology in classifying Indigenous peoples on a scale of criminal responsibility that mapped onto racial hierarchies and the dia’s “civilization policy.” The article discusses how MacInnes constructed and deployed racializing narratives in response to the “problem” of Indigenous peoples rejecting whiteness and explains how he positioned Indigenous executions as a being in the “interest of Indian administration.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman"; padding: 0in;">Cheliotis, L. K.</span></b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman"; padding: 0in;"> 2020 (in press) “Neither Dupes, Nor Pipers: Violent Crime, Public Sentiment and the Political Origins of Mass Incarceration in the United States”. <i>Current Issues in Criminal Justice</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">One of the most contentious questions in contemporary penology is why the use of imprisonment started rising rapidly in the US in the early 1970s. The two dominant perspectives on the subject focus on crime’s public salience and how it relates to violent crime and political elites, respectively. The first perspective holds that incumbent political elites promoted tougher criminal justice policies in the name of a public concern about violent crime that they previously aroused themselves, in order ultimately to serve narrow interests. The second perspective argues instead that politicians in office toughened criminal justice policies in response to a legitimate public disquiet about violent crime. Based on an unprecedented comparison of trends in violent crime and public opinion over the period 1960-1980, this article suggests that both perspectives misread how the politics of crime and criminal justice unfolded around the time mass incarceration was taking off. Research on the subject should henceforth shift its focus onto perspectives that do not treat majority public opinion as a key element in criminal justice policy-making.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Fleury-Steiner, Benjamin</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">. 2019 “Deportation Platforms: The AWS-ICE Alliance and the Fallacy of Explicit Agendas.” <i>Surveillance & Society </i>17(2): 105-110</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">.<span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;"> [Access it </span></span><a href="https://ojs.library.queensu.ca/index.php/surveillance-and-society/article/view/12951/8482" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman"; padding: 0in;">here</span></a><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman"; padding: 0in;">]</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">In this paper, I analyze elite discourse in the context of the increasing role played by large-scale corporate platforms in federal immigration enforcement in the US Specifically, I focus on Amazon Web Services' (AWS) alliance with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Incorporating Marx's (2016) "fallacy of explicit agendas" as a heuristic for contextualizing recent employee challenges to company CEO Jeff Bezos, I show how the fallacy serves to conceal far more about the AWS alliance with ICE, an organization with a long track record of deeply troubling practices. The secrecy that is fostered by such discourse also obscures the growing dependency of government entities on large-scale technologies of marginalizing surveillance that threaten civil liberties and rights of refugees and immigrants.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hughett, Amanda.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2019. “A ‘Safe Outlet’ for Prisoner Discontent: How Prison Grievance Procedures Helped Stymie Prison Organizing During the 1970s.” <i>Law & Social Inquiry</i> 44(4): 893-921. [Access it </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/law-and-social-inquiry/article/safe-outlet-for-prisoner-discontent-how-prison-grievance-procedures-helped-stymie-prison-organizing-during-the-1970s/8107C928A7E9BFE03DECDBEC8DE463DB" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">This article demonstrates how civil liberties lawyers’ efforts to address the complaints of imprisoned people in the 1970s inadvertently helped provide state attorneys with tools they used to stymie prisoners’ organizing efforts. Using North Carolina as a case study, I explain why a diverse range of legal actors—including civil liberties lawyers, federal judges, and state attorneys—supported the creation of prison grievance procedures. I then reveal how state attorneys successfully used them, once implemented, to argue that because the procedures offered a seemingly fair, institutional avenue for imprisoned people to express their grievances, prison administrators could ban prison organizing without violating prisoners’ First Amendment rights to free speech and assembly. The history of prison grievance procedures, I suggest, highlights the limits of constitutional rights litigation for achieving social change, offers a new approach to the study of legal endogeneity, and helps explain the demise of the prisoners’ rights movement.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Jouet, Mugambi.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2019. “Mass Incarceration Paradigm Shift?: Convergence in an Age of Divergence.” <i>Journal of Criminal Law & Criminology</i> 109(4): 703-768. [Access it </span><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3319069" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">The peculiar harshness of modern American justice has led to a vigorous scholarly debate about the roots of mass incarceration and its divergence from humanitarian sentencing norms prevalent in other Western democracies. Even though the United States reached virtually world-record imprisonment levels between 1983 and 2010, the Supreme Court never found a prison term to be “cruel and unusual punishment” under the Eighth Amendment. By countenancing extreme punishments with no equivalent elsewhere in the West, such as life sentences for petty recidivists, the Justices’ reasoning came to exemplify the exceptional nature of American justice. Many scholars concluded that punitiveness had become its defining norm.<br /><br />Yet a quiet revolution in Eighth Amendment jurisprudence, a wave of reforms, and other social developments suggest that American penal philosophy may be inching toward norms—dignity, proportionality, legitimacy, and rehabilitation—that have checked draconian prison terms in Europe, Canada, and beyond. In 2010, the Supreme Court began limiting the scope of life imprisonment without parole for juveniles in a series of landmark Eighth Amendment cases. Partly drawing upon the principles in these decisions, twenty-two states have abolished life without parole categorically for juveniles, providing them more protections than under the Eighth Amendment. The narrow focus on the differences between juveniles and adults in the aftermath of these reforms obscured American law’s increasing recognition of humanitarian norms that are hardly age-dependent—and strikingly similar to those in other Western democracies. Historiography sheds light on why the academy has largely overlooked this relative paradigm shift. As America faced mass incarceration of an extraordinary magnitude, research in recent decades has focused on divergence, not convergence.<br /><br />This Article advances a comparative theory of punishment to analyze these developments. In the United States and throughout the West, approaches toward punishment are impermanent social constructs, as they historically tend to fluctuate between punitive and humanitarian concerns. Such paradigm shifts can lead to periods of international divergence or convergence in penal philosophy. Notwithstanding the ebb and flow of penal attitudes, certain long-term trends have emerged in Western societies. They encompass a narrowing scope of offenders eligible for the harshest sentences, a reduction in the application of these sentences, and intensifying social divides about their morality. Restrictions on lifelong imprisonment for juveniles and growing social polarization over mass incarceration in the United States may reflect this movement. However, American justice appears particularly susceptible to unpredictable swings and backlashes. While this state of impermanence suggests that the reform movement might reverse itself, it also demonstrates that American justice may keep converging toward humanitarian sentencing norms, which were influential in the United States before the mass incarceration era.<br /><br />Two patterns regarding the broader evolution of criminal punishment ultimately stand out: cyclicality and steadiness of direction. The patterns evoke a seismograph that regularly swings up or down despite moving steadily in a given direction. American justice may cyclically oscillate between repressive or humanitarian aspirations, and simultaneously converge with other Western democracies in gradually limiting or abolishing the harshest punishments over the long term. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Jouet, Mugambi.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2019. “Guns, Identity, and Nationhood.” <i>Nature - Palgrave Communications</i><u> </u>5(138): 1-8. [Access it </span><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3481264" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">The article provides a theoretical perspective on the symbolic meaning of the right to bear arms in modern America, especially among its conservative movement. Neglecting this issue, scholarship on gun symbolism has commonly focused on guns possessed by offenders in inner-cities, such as juveniles or gang members. Offering a multidisciplinary and comparative outlook, the article explains how guns have become symbols of a worldview under which armed patriots must stand ready to defend America from “tyranny,” “big government,” “socialism,” and other existential threats. In particular, the U.S. conservative movement does not merely perceive the right to bear arms as a means of self-defense against criminals, but as a safeguard against an oppressive government that “patriots” may have to overthrow by force. The article examines the hypothesis that guns foster a sense of belonging in this conception of nationhood. This worldview is not solely limited to politicians, elites or activists, as it can encompass rank-and-file conservatives. Group identification can rest on sharing radical beliefs that enhance cohesion, including rallying against perceived threats. This mindset helps explain resistance to elementary reforms to regulate firearms. If one believes that an unbridled right to bear arms is not only key to protecting the United States, but also key to what it means to be an American, concessions on gun control become difficult to envision. While conservatives in other Western democracies tend to support significant gun control, a key dimension of American exceptionalism is the relative normalization of a conservative identity in which firearms have acquired a peculiar symbolic value. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Kerrison, E. M., Goff, P. A., Burbank, C., & Hyatt, J. M.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2019. “On creating ethical, productive, and durable action research partnerships with police officers and their departments: A case study of the National Justice Database.”<i> Police Practice and Research: An International Journal</i> 20(6): 567–584. [Access it </span><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15614263.2019.1657627" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Translational policing science must begin with explicitly communicated research aims and a shared vision for promoting safety. For researchers to approach police departments without first considering the concerns held by officers and their departments at large, is unethical, unproductive, and undermines efforts to secure longstanding mutually useful researcher- practitioner partnerships. In presenting a case study analysis of the multi- method National Justice Database’s recruitment practices, this article high- lights some of the challenges that emerge when articulating study aims that hold relevance for public safety; defining theoretically- and solution- oriented research questions; administrative police data collection, analysis, and dissemination; and bolstering human research subject protection protocols for sworn officers who may be justifiably reluctant to participate in social science research endeavors. Implications for ethical policing research practice, fostering collaborative researcher-practitioner partnerships, and leveraging the benefits of data science are also discussed.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Rubin, Ashley T.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2019. “Revisiting the Discovery of the Asylum: Early U.S. Prison History Since David Rothman.”<i>Annual Review of Law and Social Science</i> 15: 137-154. [Access it </span><a href="https://www.annualreviews.org/doi/abs/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-101518-042808" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">David J. Rothman's The Discovery of the Asylum, one of the first major works to critically interrogate the beginning of America's extensive reliance on institutionalization, effectively launched the contemporary field of prison history. Rothman traced the first modern prisons’ (1820s–1850s) roots to the post-Revolution social turmoil and reformers’ desire for perfectly ordered spaces. In the nearly 50 years since his pioneering work, several generations of historians, inspired by Rothman, have amassed a wealth of information about the early prisons, much of it correcting inaccuracies and blind spots in his account. This review examines the knowledge about the rise of the prison, focusing on this post-Rothman work. In particular, this review discusses this newer work organized into three categories: the claim that prisons were an invention of Jacksonian America, reformers’ other motivations for creating and supporting prisons, and the frequently gendered and racialized experiences of prisoners. The review closes by reflecting on the importance of prison history in the contemporary context and suggesting areas for future research.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Rubin, Ashley T.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2019. “Interrogating the Penal Pendulum: An Introduction to the Review Symposium Issue on Breaking the Pendulum: The Long Struggle Over Criminal Justice.”<i> Law & Social Inquiry</i> 44(3): 791-798. [Access it </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/law-and-social-inquiry/article/interrogating-the-penal-pendulum-an-introduction-to-the-review-symposium-on-breaking-the-pendulum-the-long-struggle-over-criminal-justice/87219C59616C0922074E6ED89DDEE8EC" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">This Essay introduces a Review Symposium for Philip Goodman, Joshua Page, and Michelle Phelps’s Breaking the Pendulum, a book that challenges the centrality of the pendulum metaphor that scholars, journalists, and politicians have used to describe significant shifts in the overall orientation of punishment nationwide. Drawing on recent research, Goodman, Page, and Phelps lay out the case for abandoning this metaphor as well as its associated theory of penal change, offering in its place an “agonistic perspective.” Using this agonistic perspective as well as research on the topic, I suggest some reasons why the pendulum metaphor may still be a fruitful site of interrogation. Specifically, I argue that, while recognizing the caveats illustrated by Goodman, Page, and Phelps, we should take seriously the pendular pattern of US penal history told at the national level and we should not dismiss the mechanical causes of penal change in our efforts to populate theories and accounts of penal change with individual and group actors.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Trinkner, R., Kerrison, E. M., & Goff, P. A.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2019. “The force of fear: Police stereotype threat, self- legitimacy, and support for excessive force.” <i>Law and Human Behavior</i> 43(5): 421–435. [Access it </span><a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/fulltext/2019-36698-001.html" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Researchers have linked police officers’ concerns with appearing racist—a kind of stereotype threat—to racial disparities in the use of force. This study presents the first empirical test of the hypothesized psychological mechanism linking stereotype threat to police support for violence. We hypothesized that stereotype threat undermines officers’ self-legitimacy, or the confidence they have in their inherent authority, encouraging over-reliance on coercive policing to maintain control. Officers (n=784) from the patrol division of a large urban police force completed a survey in order to test this hypothesis. Respondents completed measures of stereotype threat, self-legitimacy, resistance to use of force policy, approval of unreasonable force, and endorsement of procedurally fair policing. Structural equation models showed that elevated stereotype threat was associated with lower self-legitimacy (B = -.15), which in turn was associated with more resistance to restrictions on force (B = -.17), greater approval of unreasonable force (B = -.31), and lower endorsement of fair policing (B = -.57). These results reveal that concerns about appearing racist are actually associated with increased support for coercive policing— potentially further eroding public trust.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman"; padding: 0in;">Xenakis, S. and L. K. Cheliotis. 2019. </span></b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman"; padding: 0in;">“Moderación carcelaria y la cara de Jano de la presión internacional. Una larga reseña sobre el involucramiento de Grecia en la convención europea de Derechos Humanos”. <i>Unidad Sociológica</i> (Buenos Aires) 4(13-14): 6-22. [Access it </span><a href="http://unidadsociologica.com.ar/UnidadSociologica13141.pdf" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman"; padding: 0in;">here</span></a><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman"; padding: 0in;">]</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS <o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">Jouet, Mugambi.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";"> 2019 (paperback ed.). <i>Exceptional America: What Divides Americans From the World and From Each Other</i>. University of California Press. [More information </span><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Exceptional-America-Divides-Americans-World-dp-0520305558/dp/0520305558/ref=mt_paperback?_encoding=UTF8&me=&qid=" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman";">]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 10pt;">Comprehensive study of American exceptionalism, including mass incarceration, the death penalty, guns, and other dimensions of criminal justice. The book’s scholarly analysis is multidisciplinary, drawing on law, history, political science, sociology, and other fields.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-77142018375734384882019-06-06T15:03:00.000-07:002019-06-06T15:03:22.444-07:00Members' Publications: June 2019 Edition<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: left;">
<i>As compiled by Kaitlyn Quinn</i></div>
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LAW AND SOCIETY ASSOCIATION<o:p></o:p></div>
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<b>Collaborative Research Network: Punishment and Society<o:p></o:p></b></div>
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<u>Organizers:<o:p></o:p></u></div>
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Hadar Aviram, UC Hastings College of Law, USA<o:p></o:p></div>
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Ashley Rubin, University of Toronto, Canada<o:p></o:p></div>
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<b>RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS<o:p></o:p></b></div>
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<b>June 2019<o:p></o:p></b></div>
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<b><u>ARTICLES<o:p></o:p></u></b></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Crete, J.P., </span></b><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Monteiro, A., and Sapers, H. 2018. “Reducing Ontario’s Provincial Carceral Footprint through Correctional Reform.” <i>Journal of Community Corrections </i>28(2):7-12. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">[Access it </span><a href="https://www.civicresearchinstitute.com/online/article_abstract.php?pid=9&aid=8893&iid=1360" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">here</span></a><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">]</span><o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">This article provides an overview of recommendations made by the Independent Review of Ontario Corrections (IROC) regarding the use of gradual release mechanisms such temporary absences, provincial parole provisions, current attempts at strengthening community supports in Ontario, and the need to better support Indigenous peoples who come into contact with the criminal justice system.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: white; font-family: NexusSansWebPro, serif;">Hamilton-Smith, Guy.</span></b><span style="background-color: white; font-family: NexusSansWebPro, serif;">2018. “The Digital Wilderness: A Decade of Exile & the False Hopes of Lester Packingham.” <i>Texas Journal on Civil Liberties and Civil Rights</i>, 24(1): 25-58. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: NexusSansWebPro, serif;">[Access it </span><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3224917" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: NexusSansWebPro, serif;">here</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: NexusSansWebPro, serif;">]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: 10pt;">The United States Supreme Court’s decision in Packingham v. North Carolina announced that people who have been convicted of sex offenses have a First Amendment right to access social media platforms. In reaching its conclusion, the Court reasoned that the public square — and the communicative activity that the First Amendment protects — now exists on these platforms “in particular.” Despite Packingham’s promise of free speech for arguably the most despised, feared, and misunderstood group of people in America, it did not directly address ways in which both the state and private actors keep Packingham’s beneficiaries in digital darkness. As the rolls of America’s sex offense registries swell to near one million people in 2018, sustained exclusion from platforms that society increasingly relies on for civic engagement functionally cripples the ability of an enormous population of people to reintegrate, participate, and effectively challenge laws and policies that target them long after they have exited the criminal justice system. Far from being dangerous or illicit, the voices of people directly impacted are necessary to properly balance a system which has all but foreclosed redemption, and thus their inclusion gives life not only to the values at the heart of Packingham, but to our conception of justice as well.</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b>Jiang, Jize</b>. 2019. “Book Review: Immigrants under Threat: Risk and Resistance in Deportation Nation.”<i>International Criminal Justice Review</i>. First published online: April 1, 2019.<o:p></o:p></div>
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[Access it <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1057567719840695" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<b>Lynch, M.</b>2019. “<i>Booker </i>circumvention? Adjudication strategies in the advisory sentencing guidelines era.” <i>N.Y.U. Review of Law & Social Change </i>43(1):59-108<i>.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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[Access it <a href="https://socialchangenyu.com/review/booker-circumvention-adjudication-strategies-in-the-advisory-sentencing-guidelines-era/" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-size: 10pt;">This article addresses the question of policy circumvention in federal courts by examining how legal actors have differentially adapted their adjudicatory practices after U.S. v. Booker (2005) rendered the federal sentencing guidelines advisory rather than mandatory. By linking two distinct bodies of scholarship— the courts-as-communities scholarship that assesses and explains locale-based variations in criminal court operations and the socio-legal “law and organizations” scholarship that addresses how organizational actors translate and implement top-down legal policy reforms—this article argues that law-as-practiced is always temporally and spatially contingent. Expanding on prior quantitative research that addresses district-specific adaptations to Booker, this article reports on findings from a qualitative study recently conducted by the author of four federal districts. Based on these findings, this article examines within-district changes and between-district variations in: (1) legal actors’ perceptions of whether the Booker policy change impacted local practices and outcomes, and if so, the extent of its impact; (2) how legal strategies and practices have changed at three stages of the criminal process: charging, pre-conviction plea negotiations, and formal sentencing; and (3) interviewees’ perceptions about whether Booker contributed to greater racial or other disparities in case outcomes. Findings indicate that a dynamic, proactive adaptation process is taking place, conditioned by local norms but not fully dictated by those norms. They also make clear that changes in sentencing outcomes in the post-Booker period are not simply the result of liberated judges exercising their discretion, but rather are jointly produced by courtroom workgroup members through both contestation and cooperation. This inquiry is especially timely given both ongoing and proposed changes in federal sentencing policy that aim to maintain severity in punishment, re-impose constraints on legal actors, and threaten to exacerbate racial and ethnic inequalities in the federal criminal system.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b>Lynch, M.</b>2019. “The narrative of the number: Quantification in criminal court.” <i>Law & Social Inquiry </i>44(1):31-57.<o:p></o:p></div>
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[Access it <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/lsi.12334" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">Scholars have documented the explosion in quantification of social phenomena within organizational settings. A key site of the quantitative turn has been in the penal</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">legal field, with purported transformative effects. This article draws from a field research project examining the on</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">the</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">ground implementation of the federal sentencing guidelines to explore how the guidelines' numbers</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">based logic is both articulated and reconstituted by legal actors in the adversarial process. Complementing macro</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">level work that examines the transformative effects of quantification at the social</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">structural level, I take a micro</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">level, empirically grounded approach that analytically focuses on day</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">to</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">day interactions in court to reveal quantification's possibilities and limits. I identify three adversarial strategies that narrate the meaning of the guideline calculation to demonstrate how the complex quantitative guidelines system becomes incorporated into narrative form to know, assess, and judge legal subjects.</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b>Lynch, M.</b>2018. “Prosecutorial discretion, drug case selection, and inequality in federal court.” <i>Justice Quarterly </i>35(7):1309-1336<i>.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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[Access it <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/07418825.2018.1535083" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-size: 10pt;">In this article, I explore variations in prosecutors’ discretionary case selection practices by drawing on findings from a comparative field research project of drug prosecutions conducted in four federal districts. Using data from a series of in-depth interviews with legal actors in each district, I develop a typology of the kinds of drug cases brought in my sample districts, explore the logics underpinning their selection, and examine the potential impact of selection practices on racial inequality in drug caseloads. Findings elucidate the local variations in logics and practices that are nonetheless shaped by broader ideologies and structured incentives that encourage certain types of prosecutions. Prosecutorial discretion at the case selection stage also plays an important role in how cases are adjudicated, which is often closely linked to the logic underpinning the choice to file.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b>Lynch, M.</b>2018. “94 different countries? Time, place, and variations in federal criminal justice.” <i>Berkeley Journal of Criminal Law </i>23(3):134-163<i>.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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[Access it <a href="https://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1132&context=bjcl" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<b>Lynch, M.</b>and Omori, M. 2018. “<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Crack as proxy: Aggressive federal drug prosecutions and the production of black-white racial inequality.” </span><i>Law & Society Review </i>52(3):773-809<i>.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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[Access it <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/lasr.12348" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">In this article, we empirically examine jurisdictional variations in federal crack prosecutions to measure whether aggressive crack prosecutorial practices are associated with racial inequality in federal caseload characteristics and outcomes. Building on theories that address the production of inequality in institutional settings, we hypothesize that U.S. Attorneys’ offices that are more proactive in charging defendants with crack, relative to other kinds of drugs, and relative to case strength and seriousness, will demonstrate higher rates of black–white racial inequality in case outcomes across the entire criminal caseload. Consistent with theories of institutional racism, our findings demonstrate that aggressive crack prosecutions at the district level are a strong predictor of black–white inequality in conviction rates across the entire criminal caseload, and a much more modest predictor of inequality in final sentence outcomes. We conclude by discussing the importance of organizational</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">level empirical analyses for more effectively uncovering the conditions under which inequality can and does flourish in legal settings, and suggest possible future lines of inquiry along these lines.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b>Page, Joshua</b>, Victoria Piehowski, and Joe Soss. 2019. “A Debt of Care: Commercial Bail and the Gendered Logic of Criminal Justice Predation.” <i>RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation of the Social Sciences</i>5(1): 150-172.<o:p></o:p></div>
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[Access it <a href="https://www.rsfjournal.org/content/5/1/150" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">Among the institutions that link criminal justice and inequality in the United States, commercial bail remains one of the most important yet least understood. Each year, the bail industry extracts millions of dollars from lower-income Americans, disproportionately draining resources from poor communities of color. We draw on ethnographic research to explore how the bail system operates as a predatory social process, arguing that gender interacts with class and race to structure resource extraction in this field. Poor women of color are especially subject to bail predation because they are seen within the larger social organization of care as bearing primary responsibility for defendants. Gendered care work and emotional labor are thus central to the field’s logic of practice and to bail industry profits.</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Rubin, Ashley T.</span></b><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">2019 (advance online). “Early US Prison History Beyond Rothman: Revisiting <i>The Discovery of the Asylum</i>.” <i>Annual Review of Law and Social Science</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">[Access it </span><a href="https://www.annualreviews.org/doi/pdf/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-101518-042808" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">here</span></a><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">David J. Rothman’s The Discovery of the Asylum, one of the first major works to critically interrogate the beginning of America’s extensive reliance on institutionalization, effectively launched the contemporary field of prison history. Rothman traced the first modern prisons’ (1820s–1850s) roots to the post-Revolution social turmoil and reformers’ desire for perfectly ordered spaces. In the nearly 50 years since his pioneering work, several generations of historians, inspired by Rothman, have amassed a wealth of information about the early prisons, much of it correcting inaccuracies and blind spots in his account. This review examines the knowledge about the rise of the prison, focusing on this post-Rothman work. In particular, this review discusses this newer work organized into three categories: the claim that prisons were an invention of Jacksonian America, reformers’ other motivations for creating and supporting prisons, and the frequently gendered and racialized experiences of prisoners. The review closes by reflecting on the importance of prison history in the contemporary context and suggesting areas for future research.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Rubin, Ashley T.</span></b><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">2019. “Punishment's Legal Templates: A Theory of Formal Penal Change.” <i>Law & Society Review</i>53(2):518-553.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">[Access it </span><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/lasr.12400#.XH_MTsrjmBE.twitter" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">here</span></a><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">]</span><o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-size: 10pt;">The well</span><span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">known gap between law on the books and law in action often casts doubt on the significance of changes to law on the books. For example, the rise and fall of penal technologies have long been considered significant indicators of penal change in socio</span><span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">historical analyses of punishment. Recent research, however, has challenged the significance of apparently large</span><span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">scale penal change of this kind. This article clarifies the significance of penal technologies' rise and fall by offering an alternative account of formal penal change, introducing the analytical concept of “legal templates,” structural models of legal activity (e.g., punishment) available for authorization and replication across multiple jurisdictions. Analyzing punishment's templates explains how new penal technologies can be important harbingers of change, even when they fail to revolutionize penal practice and are not caused by a widespread ideological shift. This article locates the significance of punishment's legal templates in their </span><i><span style="font-size: 10pt;">constitutive</span></i><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> power—their ability, over the long term, to shape cognitive</span><span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10pt;">‐</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">cultural expectations about what punishment is or should be. This power appears only when the template is widely adopted by a plurality of jurisdictions, thereby becoming institutionalized. Ultimately, these institutionalized templates define the scope of future punishment.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b>Super, Gail. </b>2019. “‘Three warnings and you’re out’: Banishment and precarious penality in South Africa’s informal settlements.” <i>Punishment and Society,</i> First published February 3, 2019.<o:p></o:p></div>
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[Access it <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1462474518822485?journalCode=puna" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">This paper asks how punitive forms of non-state punishment play out on the margins of the state, in informal (shack) settlements in South Africa. My focus is on the practice of forcing those who are suspected of certain offences to leave their homes in informal settlements. I refer to this as ‘banishment’ and argue that it is a ‘penal phenomenon’ which is intimately tied to the general precarity that residents experience on a daily basis. The paper examines the ways in which these formally illegal, but nonetheless legitimate practices, draw on and reconfigure liberal state punishment. I use my study to make a broader theoretical point about the interplay between lawful state punishment and unlawful punishment on the periphery of the state. The blurred boundaries between legal (state) violence and illegal (but nonetheless legitimate) violence are particularly ‘visible’ in situations of ‘precarious penality’ – a term that I use to describe the unstable, violent and exclusionary penality that manifests in situations of socio-economic precarity, particularly in contexts of inequality, high rates of violent crime and a delegitimated rule of law. In these circumstances ‘non-state’ punishment contributes to the construction and maintenance of group boundaries and fulfils a similar function to ‘formal’ punishment. Thus, I ask whether it makes sense to exclude ‘non-state’ public authorities which act against ‘criminality’, when asking what or who constitutes the penal field and, when measuring state punitiveness?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b>Werth, Robert.</b>2019. “Risk and punishment: The recent history and uncertain future of actuarial, algorithmic, and “evidence-based” penal techniques.” <i>Sociology Compass.</i> First published January 10. <o:p></o:p></div>
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[Access it <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/soc4.12659" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">In recent decades, risk prediction has proliferated in the penal realm. Risk instruments currently guide an array of correctional decisions—such as participation in diversion programs, the provision of correctional services, and probation and parole supervision levels—and are being increasingly utilized or considered in pretrial detention and criminal sentencing. This article reviews empirical and theoretical accounts of the proliferation and effects of risk in the penal realm and also reflects on ongoing debates about the promises and perils of risk. Risk techniques have impacted the practices, discourses, and logics of punishment. Yet they have not triggered the abandonment of rehabilitative approaches (or retributive ones), nor have they replaced human judgment with a rationalized utopia or iron cage. This article also offers several interventions that complicate and further our understandings of risk. First, it highlights the complex entanglements between, on the one hand, actuarial and algorithmic risk instruments and, on the other, subjective, moral, and affective methods of evaluation. Second, it calls for increased attention to the performative effects of risk technologies: to the ways in which assessments not only report on but also create and alter the social world. The article concludes by reflecting on emerging topics and directions for future research.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><u>BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS <o:p></o:p></u></b></div>
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<b>Black, Lynsey</b>,<b></b>and Peter Dunne, eds. 2019. <i>Law and Gender in Modern Ireland: Critique and Reform</i>. Hart Publishing.<o:p></o:p></div>
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[More information <a href="https://www.bloomsburyprofessional.com/uk/law-and-gender-in-modern-ireland-9781509917211/" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-size: 10pt; padding: 0in;">Law and Gender in Modern Ireland: Critique and Reform</span></i><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> is the first generalist text to tackle the intersection of law and gender in this jurisdiction for over two decades. As such, it could hardly have come at a more opportune moment. The topic of law and gender, perhaps more so than at any other time in Irish history, has assumed a dominant place in political and academic debate. Among scholars and policy-makers alike, the regulation of gendered bodies, and the legal status of sexual and gendered identities, is now a highly visible fault line in public discourse.<br /><br />Debates over reproductive justice (exemplified by the recent referendum to remove the '8th Amendment'), increased rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons (including the public-sanctioned introduction of same-sex marriage) and the historic mistreatment of women and young girls have re-shaped Irish public and political life, and encouraged Irish society to re-examine long-unchallenged gender norms. While many traditional flashpoints remain such as abortion and prostitution/sex work, there are also new questions, including surrogacy and the gendered experience of asylum frameworks, which have emerged. As policy-makers seek to enact reforms, they face a population with increasingly polarised perceptions of gender and a legal structure ill-equipped for modern realities.<br /><br />This edited volume directly addresses modern Irish debates on law and gender. Providing an overview of the existing rules and standards, as well as exploring possible options for reform, the collection stands as an important statement on the law in this jurisdiction, and as an invaluable resource for pursuing gendered social change. While the edited collection applies a doctrinal methodology to explain current statutes, case law and administrative practices, the contributors also invoke critical gender, queer and race perspectives to identify and problematise existing (and potential) challenges. This edited collection is essential reading for all who are interested in law, gender and processes of social change in modern Ireland.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b>Corda</b>, <b>Alessandro. </b>2019. “Dealing with potential terrorists within a censure-based model of sentencing”. Pp 161-183 in<i>Penal censure: Engagements within and beyond desert theory, edited by </i>A. Du Bois-Pedain and A. Bottoms. Portland, OR– Oxford: Hart Publishing.<o:p></o:p></div>
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[More information <a href="https://www.bloomsburyprofessional.com/uk/penal-censure-9781509919789/" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">In this chapter, I address the issue of whether and, if so, to what extent, increases in sentences beyond the censure-based deserved amount can be justified by the offender's alleged dangerousness. This topic raises issues concerning censure, proportionality and dangerous offenders that go beyond traditional analyses of whether and when predictions of dangerousness arguably justify use of disproportionately severe punishments. The focus is on preparatory terrorist offences recently enacted in many Western jurisdictions as a response to attacks carried out by terrorist groups or organisations.</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-AU" style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Pascoe, Daniel</span></b><span lang="EN-AU" style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">. 2019. <i>Last Chance for Life: Clemency in Southeast Asian Death Penalty Cases. </i>Oxford University Press<i>. </i>(Clarendon Studies in Criminology)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-AU" style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">[More information </span><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/last-chance-for-life-clemency-in-southeast-asian-death-penalty-cases-9780198809715?type=listing&subjectcode1=1803299%7CLAW00010&lang=en&cc=mt" style="color: #954f72;"><span lang="EN-AU" style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">here</span></a><span lang="EN-AU" style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">]</span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-size: 10pt;">All five contemporary practitioners of the death penalty in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)— Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore and Vietnam— have performed executions on a regular basis over the past few decades. NGO Amnesty International currently classifies each of these nations as death penalty 'retentionists'. However, notwithstanding a common willingness to execute, the number of death sentences passed by courts that are reduced to a term of imprisonment, or where the prisoner is released from custody altogether, through grants of clemency by the executive branch of government, varies remarkably among these neighbouring political allies. </span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><br /><br /><i><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Last Chance for Life: Clemency in Southeast Asian Death Penalty Cases</span></i><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;"> explores the patterns which explain why some countries in the region award clemency far more often than do others in death penalty cases. Over the period under analysis from 1991 to 2016, the regional outliers were Thailand (with more than 95% of condemned prisoners receiving clemency after exhausting judicial appeals) and Singapore (with fewer than 1% of condemned prisoners receiving clemency). Malaysia, Indonesia and Vietnam fall at points in between these two extremes. What results is the first research monograph, anywhere in the world, to compare death penalty clemency across national borders using empirical methodology, the latter a systematic collection of clemency data in multiple jurisdictions using archival and 'elite' interview sources. <i>Last Chance for Life</i> is an authoritative resource for legal practitioners, criminal justice policy makers, scholars and activists throughout the ASEAN region and around the retentionist world.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<b><u><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">PUBLIC SOCIOLOGY<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div>
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<b>Page, Joshua.</b>April 4, 2019. “I Worked as a Bail Bond Agent. Here’s What I Learned.” <i>The Appeal</i>. <o:p></o:p></div>
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[Access it <a href="https://theappeal.org/i-worked-as-a-bail-bond-agent-heres-what-i-learned/" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<b>Rubin, Ashley. </b>October 2, 2018. “What a widely attached experiment got right on the harmful effects of prisons.” <i>The Conversation</i>.<b><o:p></o:p></b></div>
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[Access it <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-a-widely-attacked-experiment-got-right-on-the-harmful-effects-of-prisons-103967" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<b><u>ONLINE TALKS</u></b><u><o:p></o:p></u></div>
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<b>Black, Lynsey</b>and Coleman Dennehy. 2019. “History Now: Capital Punishment – Episode 18.”<o:p></o:p></div>
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(https://vimeo.com/321220014)<o:p></o:p></div>
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[View it <a href="https://vimeo.com/321220014" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<b>Chiarello, Liz</b>. March 2019. “Shared Technology, Competing Logics: How Healthcare Providers and Law Enforcement Agents Use Prescription Drug Monitoring Programs To Combat Prescription Drug Abuse.” <i>P&S Digital Speaker Series.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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[View it <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7xixqW-Z3Pw&feature=youtu.be" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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<b>Goodman, Phil.</b>January 2019. “‘Work Your Story’: Selective Flexible Disclosure (SFD), Stigma Management, and Getting a Job After Prison.” P&S Digital Speaker Series<i>.</i><o:p></o:p></div>
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[View it <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_uzK0kGcsEE" style="color: #954f72;">here</a>]<o:p></o:p></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-83300877948802772332019-02-26T06:09:00.001-08:002019-02-26T06:09:29.162-08:00Members' Publications: February 2019 Edition<i style="caret-color: rgb(102, 102, 102); font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 15.399999618530273px;"><b>As compiled by Katie Quinn:</b></i><br />
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<b>RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS </b></div>
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<b>February 2019 </b></div>
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Brangan, Louise. (Advanced Access) Civilizing Imprisonment: The Limits of Scottish Penal Exceptionalism. The British Journal of Criminology, azy057, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azy057">https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azy057</a> </div>
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Schoenfeld, Heather, Durso, Rachel, & Albrecht, Kat. (2018) Maximizing Charges: Overcriminalization and Prosecutorial Practices During the Crime Decline, in Austin Sarat (ed.) <i>After Imprisonment (Studies in Law, Politics and Society, Volume 77) </i>Emerald Publishing Limited, pp.145 – 179. [Access it <a href="https://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/full/10.1108/S1059-433720180000077007">here</a>] </div>
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Deflem, Mathieu (ed.). (2019) <i>The Handbook of Social Control</i>. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley Blackwell. [More information <a href="https://www.wiley.com/en-us/The+Handbook+of+Social+Control-p-9781119372356">here</a>] </div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-57210398499450026642019-02-08T04:15:00.002-08:002019-02-10T09:03:18.302-08:00Are you a criminologist or a sociologist? Rob Werth Responds<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
Criminologist or sociologist? (Or, on the difficulties and limits of labels, whether self- or other-oriented)<o:p></o:p></div>
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By Robert Werth, Rice University<o:p></o:p></div>
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Am I a criminologist or a sociologist? The prompt I was given for this brief piece was more nuanced than this. But, as I interpreted it, this question is at the heart of the prompt. I’m going to provide a few answers (or thoughts really) to this question, but I will then proceed to both critique and complicate my answers. As this suggests, I have several responses to this question, and I find none of them especially satisfying or final. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Returning to the question, “are you a criminologist or sociologist”, I would like to respond: “yes”. This feels somewhat unsatisfying, however. At first glance, it seems as if my response side-steps the question, although I don’t think it does. But, I think a real problem with an answer of “yes” to this question is that it is a response of someone who wants to eat their cake and have it too, as the saying (sometimes) goes. Sociology and criminology, while overlapping and even entangled, are not isomorphic with one another. Further, I can certainly think of myself as both sociologist and criminologist – and I do tend to think of myself as both – but is this how I am always going to label, present and (dare we say) market myself to others? And is this how I will be perceived and understood by others? <o:p></o:p></div>
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Another possible response, and one that I have used on occasion: “I think of myself as a law and society scholar who studies issues of crime and punishment.” This response also appears as if it is attempting to side-step the prompt. Although, as before, I do not think it does. Rather than circumvent the question of sociology or criminology, I’ve actually added another element to it – law and society – thereby making the question even more complicated and difficult to answer. <o:p></o:p></div>
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So, three paragraphs into my reflection on this question, and all I’ve managed to do is add the matter of law and society to it, leaving me with a response of: “well, I am a sociologist, criminologist and law and society person”. Furthermore, I would probably need to add another element to it, as I am getting increasingly interested in, and thinking with, Science and Technology Studies. However, labeling myself as a sociologist, criminologist, law and society person, and STS person is prohibitively long and perhaps confusing; or, at the least, is likely to produce the idea that I am confused, undecided or just greedy. <o:p></o:p></div>
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However, the way I most often think and talk about this issue (what do I study? how can I describe myself in a way that is concise yet accurate?) is by emphasizing the topics, phenomena and questions that I focus on and, hence, deemphasizing the disciplines/fields/areas that presumably frames those interests. Thus, my most common, albeit broad, description of myself is: An interdisciplinary scholar interested in crime, punishment, and law. (Or, an interdisciplinary scholar interested in the ways in which societies understand and attempt to govern crime, ‘criminality’, and dangerousness.) Although I sometimes replace interdisciplinary scholar with sociologist. This is, I suspect, partially a product of my departmental locationality; since graduate school my two academic positions have both been in sociology departments (Quinnipiac and now Rice University), so it often makes sense and seems easier to refer to myself as a sociologist.<o:p></o:p></div>
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However, I think that ultimately, I consider myself an interdisciplinary scholar. This stems from the fact that my Ph.D. is not in sociology, rather it is from the interdisciplinary Criminology, Law and Society program at the University of California, Irvine. But this also stems, as this overly convoluted reflection suggests, from regularly interacting with and drawing from multiple academic arenas. Sociology, criminology and law and society are the most prominent ones, but, to a lesser degree, I also draw from STS, anthropology and philosophy. <o:p></o:p></div>
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While I do think of myself as an interdisciplinary person, if pushed (for instance, by a prompt about this topic), I would say that within my interdisciplinarity, sociology is the discipline that I have been most influenced by. However, this statement necessitates a final caveat. It depends on making a distinction between <i>discipline </i>and <i>field</i>. That is, I am thinking of disciplines as traditional, long-standing academic disciplines – such as sociology, anthropology, political science, economics, etc. And I am thinking of fields – such as criminology, law & society, and STS – as more recent areas that cut across and complicate these disciplines. This distinction, shaped by perceived tradition (and, of course, authority), perhaps muddles as much as it clarifies. And it may well be in the process of obsolescence. I am certainly in favor of complicating disciplinary boundaries through cutting across, experimenting with, and stretching/moving them. <o:p></o:p></div>
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As such, I prefer to orient my descriptions of what I am/do around the topics, issues, puzzles and questions that animate my research and teaching, rather than through the prism of academic disciplines or fields, whether they be long-established, comparatively new or emergent. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-54588792940722784062019-02-08T04:15:00.001-08:002019-02-08T04:15:24.058-08:00Are you a criminologist or a sociologist? Michael Walker Responds<span style="font-family: "helveticaneue"; font-size: 14px;">I've never considered myself anything other than a sociologist, but that's not in opposition to how criminologists or criminal justice scholars might think of themselves. My graduate training is in sociology, and my general approach to crime, crime control, and the criminal justice system is to see all three as opportunities to investigate the kinds of matters that interest me anyhow: stratification, social control, identities, emotion, and so forth. In fact, I only recently became aware of tensions between some criminologists, sociologists, and criminal justice scholars. Part of the issue, as I understand it, has to do with increases in specialization: the generalist is a dying breed of scholar. On this point, perhaps more interdisciplinary work like that of law and society scholars will help to bridge the divide between sociology, criminology, and criminal justice.</span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-45825046462165122312019-02-08T04:15:00.000-08:002019-02-10T08:52:22.766-08:00Are you a criminologist or a sociologist? Sara Wakefield Responds<i>1. the tensions surrounding how a person is labeled (sociologist or criminologist), especially for people who could be labeled both</i><br />
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I have no idea how I am labeled. Or put better, if I conducted the most narcissistic nationally-representative survey ever of sociologists and criminologists in order to ask, I’m not certain a clear answer would emerge. Aside from a healthy number of “Sara who?” responses, I suspect the sociologists would split a bit, the criminologists would call me a sociologist, and age of reporter would matter. I remember a time when I cared about the label – I strongly identified as a sociologist early on – but I no longer have a stake in being one or the other. Both is probably right but the best answer is that it depends on who else is in the room (context matters, who knew?).<br />
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That I’m not worried about it anymore is a function of tenure, an idiosyncratic set of opportunities and constraints as one half of an academic couple, and some fairly large changes in my areas of interest since I received my PhD. That said, it is clear to me that some heterogeneity in how other people define me probably limited me early in my career but now benefits me in demonstrable ways. Clear ‘branding’ seems important for junior scholars but it becomes limiting pretty fast.<br />
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Right before tenure and certainly after it, I noticed my tendency to put the criminology hat on among sociologists and socio-legal scholars and to put the sociology hat on among criminologists and economists. [It’s a tossup with psychologists, no idea why.] A charitable interpretation of this tendency is that I’ve been lucky through the windy path of my career and friendships to be exposed to a variety of scholars, projects, and literatures and that I most enjoy learning from those who form a core in their own areas/disciplines. The less charitable interpretation of this is that I’m a (hopefully kind) contrarian at heart, that I lack the discipline (pun intended) to become part of any core, or that I really and truly hate working alone. I’m okay with any of those interpretations.<br />
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<i>2. what other people make of these tensions and how they navigate them</i><br />
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The labels are important – after all, someone has to form the core and police the boundaries, yes? There is also a place for criticism of those boundaries and upending long-held assumptions. Especially for junior scholars, ‘branding’ yourself as any one thing is hard enough, without adding in multiple audiences, constituencies, and fields. I’m less certain that remaining in your core after the first few years is required for career success everywhere and I harbor suspicions that it is not good for social science, especially if your interests clearly cross-cut a number of fields. One of the things I like about criminology, criminal justice, and socio-legal studies (broadly defined) is that they are much less invested in policing boundaries because we’ve always borrowed from many other disciplines – this is why generalizations about these fields more often than not scream ignorance to me. Sociology is much the same though – it’s everything and nothing so good luck figuring out where it stops and starts. It strikes me that the main challenge for those of us in between is to consistently spend enough time in each space so you can talk like an insider without anyone laughing too hard. <br />
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I now think less about how to navigate these minefields (or worse, planting my flag in them) and instead I’m simply trying to be a person who sees them clearly. Once you see them, you can quietly navigate around them (and, if you’re lucky, say something useful by pointing them out). I don’t think this necessarily means you can’t stick to a topic or you constantly have to reinvent yourself – I’ve been unsuccessfully trying to stop writing about incarceration for at least four years now – but if you wouldn’t re-write everything you wrote five years ago a little differently today, you’re doing something wrong. The main benefit of straddling multiple fields is you’re less likely to get stuck and miss the important stuff.<br />
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<i>3. context of the job market, publication, or other opportunities like speaker series or field-level service</i><br />
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JOB MARKET: I struggled with these questions because I think the world has changed a lot since I was on the market out of grad school. I’m also less certain that the idiosyncrasies of my current situation translate well to others, especially junior scholars. Suffice it to say, I’ve applied to both crim and soc programs (out of grad school and since) and received offers from both (out of grad school and since). I spent a long time trying to write about this well but I ended up cutting all of it and would simply say that I am always happy to talk to people about applying to crim programs and you don’t have to know me in order to set up coffee or a call.<br />
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Here’s what I will say: Crim programs are as heterogenous as sociology. The question I get most often from sociologists/law & society scholars applying to crim programs is some version of “Will they make me be a ‘C’riminologist or only publish in crim journals?” The short answer is no. The long answer is it depends (see below).<br />
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PUBLICATIONS: I seem to specialize in writing things published in weird places that some people read. Writing a book was great – I found writing one simply solidified the perception that I occupy some sort of interstitial space between criminology and sociology, thereby freeing me from the constraints of both. I wish I could say I planned that – I didn’t and am astonished to find myself writing a second one – but it’s fantastic. I have watched colleagues and friends in Crim/CJ and in Sociology get pressure to publish in Criminology or ASR or whatever but I’ve never been subject to the same pressures overmuch (or I’m so obtuse that I failed to notice it). Some departments really care about this but it seems like they only care about it for some people. I try and think broadly about who to work with and what I can learn from them – insofar as people may think of me as both a sociologist and a criminologist, I suspect it reflects 1) a lot of effort to stay involved in sociology while working in a crim program and 2) collaboration and friendship networks across both fields because it sure isn’t where I publish or don’t.<br />
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TALKS AND SERVICE: This is the one context you asked about where I have been planful, rather than just doing what I do and being relieved it worked out. I give a fair number of talks and I spend a lot of time at conferences. I navigate conferences very differently based on how close or far they are to my “home” areas, however. At ASA and ASC, my “home” conferences, I do not often attend panels beyond my own and those of my students – I’m there to do core work and I’m usually swamped. These are unfortunately the last places where I will learn new things or challenge my assumptions. I am involved in my groups and, as a result, I am fairly active in volunteer and elected service positions in both organizations.<br />
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About every three years, I start feeling overly narrow, out of date with advances in other areas, and bored/disagreeable. As a solution, I make sure to get out of my bubble. Six years ago, I solved this problem by diving in to a massive new data collection with a bunch of people I’d never worked with before and who do work really different than my own. Three years ago, I solved this problem by going to Oxford for a semester. This year I’m solving it by attending PAA and LSA. At LSA and PAA, I’m there to learn, attend panels, challenge what I think I know, and go as far afield as possible. In none of these spaces do I expect to run the show, get elected to something, or drive the conversation but I always learn and you’ll usually see it in my work a few years later. All this to say, there are benefits of getting out of your space, with some humility.</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-34591817962773904492019-02-08T04:14:00.001-08:002019-02-08T04:21:21.914-08:00Are you a criminologist or a sociologist? Chris Smith Responds<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">During one of my first American Society of Criminology meetings, I attended a “Students meet Scholars” session. It was a great session, a fascinating conversation, and the graduate students (myself included) were asking a lot of questions about the intellectual trajectory of the topic. After the session, I was waiting in line for the restroom with one of the eminent scholars from the panel, who said to me, “You must be a sociologist.” (I assumed her declaration was based on my questions from the session.) I awkwardly laughed and affirmed that I was getting my PhD in sociology. Since that interaction, I have been a bit stuck on what the “you must be a sociologist” versus “you must be a criminologist” labels mean, what they are good for, and why we can’t be both.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">I study crime and inequality, some version of the word “crime” appears in almost every class I have ever taught, I publish in criminology and sociology journals, and I attend the ASC and the ASA. The ASC is cheaper and has more free wine, so I like it better. The late criminologist Bob Bursik (PhD in sociology) once told me, “ASA is a bunch of snobs.” I often agree with his sentiment. I tell my sociology graduate students to study crime because there are more academic jobs. The National Science Foundation and the Department of Justice funded my dissertation research. When I first applied to jobs as a PhD candidate, I applied to sociology and criminology departments. I got offers in both, but I took a sociology job. Being in a sociology department became important to me because I get excited about the breadth of the intellectual conversations that happen in sociology and because some of my classes don’t have the word “crime” in them. Being in a sociology department also helped me realize that I don’t want to do research that is not about crime and inequality.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The biggest distinction for me between the labels of criminologist and sociologist is in the orientation to theory. It is hard to publish in sociology without strong theoretical frameworks and/or contributions. To achieve this, often our studies of crime and inequality represent a case of some larger social process. It is hard to publish in criminology without any theory, but there are fewer theoretical toolkits to draw from in criminology. Plus, criminology includes a lot more theory testing than theory developing. This slightly different orientation toward theory can come at a cost. Criminology has the space to be more applied than sociology and can be more relevant to policy. Sociologists often want their research to be applied, but the reality is that our long theoretical frameworks can be a burden to generalist audiences. Long, complicated understandings of inequality or other social problems don’t often lend themselves to digestible suggestions for change.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Historically, criminology was a part of sociology – a lens through which to study society. The label of criminologist has become more divisive because of the growth and funding of criminal justice departments across the US academy. Criminal justice emphasizes solving crime (or lowering crime rates) more so than the broader study of crime. The merger of criminology with criminal justice has meant that criminology is seen as more conservative, but the merger has also meant that some outsiders miss the strong sociological methods and theoretical orientations happening in the work of great criminology. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">My forthcoming book, <i>Syndicate Women</i>, is on gender inequality in organized crime networks from Prohibition Chicago. I have received positive and negative feedback from sociologists and criminologists on the research. A few criminologists have asked me why I want more women in organized crime. A few sociologists have asked me how the book’s theoretical explanation can be applied to any case other than crime. Both of these questions reveal the worst of these labels. My book will be classified as criminology and sociology—probably in alphabetical order. I hope criminologists and sociologists (as well as gender scholars, legal scholars, historians, and network scientists) will read it and find something interesting and useful. My research is better because I read broadly and because I try to do both criminology and sociology well. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Chris M. Smith, Assistant Professor of Sociology, University of California, Davis<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">January 21, 2019<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4180821204355064629.post-29816817948339828972019-02-08T04:14:00.000-08:002019-02-08T04:14:08.364-08:00Are you a criminologist or a sociologist? Joachim Savelsberg Responds<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 15.693333625793457px; margin: 0in 0in 8pt; text-align: center;">
A brief personal reflection on the sociologist versus criminologist identity debate</div>
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by </div>
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Joachim Savelsberg, </div>
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University of Minnesota</div>
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Ashley Rubin invited me to write a few paragraphs about my identity as a sociologist and/or criminologist, and I am grateful for that opportunity. Time has almost run out during somewhat hectic past weeks, and a few brief sentences with personal reflections will have to suffice.</div>
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Before coming to the United States in 1989, I was the associate director of a Criminological Research Institute (KFN in Hanover, Lower Saxony). I am a member of the ASC. Google scholars categorizes the relative majority of citations to my work as criminological. All of my books and most of my articles relate to issues of crime, more precisely to the definition of, and reactions to, crime. It may not be surprising thus that I have referred to myself as a criminologist. Yet, most often, I identify myself as a sociologist. Typically, I feel more comfortable doing the latter. Why?</div>
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The simple answer may be that I hold sociology degrees, and that my academic home is a sociology department. In addition, I am not just a member of the ASC, but also of other associations, primarily sociological ones, the ASA (and its German equivalent, the DGS), the SSSP, at times the ISA, and of other multi-disciplinary associations, especially the LSA whose journal I edited for a while. </div>
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This simple answer, however, is unsatisfactory. If a criminologist is someone who deals with issues surrounding crime in some scholarly way, then I am indeed a criminologist. Why does discomfort remain about the identity of a criminologist? Four preliminary answers come to mind.</div>
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First, it seems to matter that I address issues of crime from a sociological perspective, not from a legal, psychological, biological or psychiatric one. I am thus a sociologist who happens to address issues pertaining to crime, whatever biographical contingencies might have lead me down this path. That is in fact how I often identify myself.</div>
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Second, I do not quite know what a criminologist is. The field has identified itself as a multi- and more often as an interdisciplinary field. Yet, what beyond crime, which is not even a phenomenon but something defined by the state, is its common core, what its theoretical basis?</div>
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Third, there is a distance between sociologists dealing with issues of crime and other sociologists. I have heard graduate students in my department distinguish between sociology students and other graduate students whom they identify as criminologists. Why do these sociology students draw a boundary between themselves and their colleagues who deal with issues of crime? They are in the same degree program, and criminologists teaching in my department are most certainly sociological criminologists. Students after all do not draw boundaries between themselves and others who work on issues of the family, life course, organizations, race or social movements. Maybe those students sense what cluster and citation analyses of the sociological profession showed even a few decades ago -- and what they might show more clearly today: that sociologists dealing with issues of crime appear closer to the margins of their discipline. They interact less with other sections (and with the “core”) than do members of other specializations within their discipline. I am not sure if that would always have been the case. Maybe it is a reaction to the specializations of criminology as a field with its own associations, journals, and funding sources.</div>
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Fourth, it seems that there is stigma attached to “criminologist” among sociologists, some sort of suspicion, risk of a spoiled identity. Reasons may be multiple, and I have to speculate here. For one, the history of criminology is murky, at times associated with biologistic and even racist movements (but sociology’s is also not without dark spots). Another reason may lie in the closer affiliation of criminology with the state and its control institutions. The massive growth of criminology in the United States does not accidentally coincide with the increase in crime as a phenomenon and, especially, as an issue of the 1960s and subsequent decades. It is certainly not by chance that it coincides with the massive expansion of the penal system, with the substantial flow of state resources into the field of criminology and the field’s expansion as an educational opportunity for law enforcement personnel. Closeness to the state runs the risk of declining critical distance, and I have shown in some of my work that that risk is real. In its most extreme form, lack of critical distance may lead to an embrace of Hobbes’ Leviathan, who may indeed have advanced the civilizing process, but who – when checks and balances were missing – has abused the power and authority entrusted in him, becoming criminal himself. Crimes against humanity and genocide are extreme forms of abuse in which Leviathan has engaged over the centuries; penal state excesses, over-incarceration, the death penalty and its discriminatory use, the isolation of human beings over decades in sterile environments are contemporary examples in the United States. I am writing this as a scholar who is not at all adverse to – but obviously cautious about -- policy-oriented scholarship.</div>
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In conclusion, I embrace living with unease, with a conflicted identity, as a sociologist who addresses issues related to crime, but who occasionally identifies as a criminologist. I take comfort from the fact that such conflicted identity can be a source of sociological imagination.</div>
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