Friday, February 8, 2019

Are you a criminologist or a sociologist? Introduction

Punishment and Society (P&S) is an interdisciplinary field of social science inquiry into punishment as a social institution. P&S scholars seek to understand where punishment comes from (why it is the way it is) and what its consequences are for society. We draw primarily from criminology, history, sociology, and political science, but also other disciplines like anthropology, geography, and psychology (very little econ it seems). Many of us also identify as Law and Society scholars, itself an interdisciplinary field.

As a group of interdisciplinary scholars, working in other interdisciplinary communities of scholars, we still live and work in a largely disciplinary world. For most of us, our primary academic appointments are in a single, traditional discipline. Consequently, we are expected to publish (at least some of the time) in disciplinary venues, and ideally the top journals in those fields (Criminology, AJS, ASR, etc.). Likewise, we often attend conferences and do service work in those disciplines---not just LSA (L&S), but also ASC (Crim) and ASA (Soc), for example. Finally, when we or our students go on the job market, we often seek jobs in disciplines, using the disciplines' professional association job banks. 

P&S's identity of interdisciplinary scholar situated within a disciplinary context sometimes breeds tensions in our identity--how we see ourselves, how we try to position ourselves (for resources, jobs, publications, etc.), and how others see us. Sometimes these tensions work in our favor---our ability to "pretend" to be X or Y at various times can open up more job (or publishing) opportunities. Sometimes, they work against us as when gate keepers (search committees, reviewers, editors) view us narrowly and as an other and therefore exclude us. 

Over the years, I've experienced this tension in a number of ways many times and have been somewhat fascinated by it. Coming through UC Berkeley's Jurisprudence and Social Policy PhD Program, I was trained to be particularly aware of it. Few people outside of the Law and Society world know what "JSP" is, or what jurisprudence means, so our faculty advisors---aware of the difficulties we could face on the ever-looming job market---drilled it into us that we essentially had to perform our disciplinary credentials. This means showing up to the conferences in our discipline and publishing in journals that have our discipline's name in the title (i.e., not just "subfield journals"). It means listing your research interests in your CV in terms familiar to your intended audience---the "sociology of punishment," not "punishment and society." Go to job talks in that other department (or departments) and see how job candidates present their research and the types of questions they get. Frankly, this is good advice for everyone to follow for going on the market, but our faculty were particularly attentive to making sure we got it---and since then I've definitely heard from folks in other programs that didn't get similar training. 

This training was especially helpful for me because it contextualized the negative side of being an interdisciplinary scholar. I've had it happen several times when I submitted an article to a top sociology journal and even to law and society journals where one or more reviewers write back, "This article belongs in a criminology journal." It's worth noting that in each case, I'm pretty sure that at least the topic fit since there were similar studies published in these journals and I'd done my best to frame it appropriately---although since then I've gotten much blunter about framing my work for a broader audience so that doesn't happen anymore. I've also had it happen when I've been on the job market that I've been rejected (at one stage or another), I later found out, either because I was a criminologist, I was not a criminologist, or I was a law and society scholar---in each case because that wasn't what the department (mostly soc departments, but some crim) was looking for. (This has been true even when I was coming from a sociology department.) Getting rejected in the same cycle because I was and was not a criminologist seemed somewhat comical, but it also illustrates the liberties people take in identifying us in various ways. 

I do think as punishment scholars, we face added benefits and disadvantages beyond the standard challenges and rewards of being interdisciplinary. On the one hand, punishment is pretty popular right now---it's always on the news, on The Daily Show or Last Week Tonight, and there is frequent political and legislative activity about punishment. On the other hand, the tendency for scholars studying unsavory, dirty, or stigmatized topics seems alive and well. When I was in grad school, seeking out an external dissertation committee in sociology, I went to one professor's office hours. This professor seemed like a friendly enough person (they were good participants in the seminar series) and their interests were different but similar to mine, so they seemed potentially useful. When I explained my research interests and intended dissertation topic, this professor waved their hands and made a face, exclaiming, "Prisons! I don't even like prison movies!" Well, I don't either, truth be told, but that seems neither here nor there. I really would have thought their interests in Foucault would have been enough to indicate why prisons could be important, so I tried that tact---and failed. Ultimately, they declined serving on my committee.

There is also a unique challenge we face as punishment scholars who seek disciplinary appointments when criminology exists as---what is often perceived, rightly or wrongly---as a separate discipline from its related fields like sociology. This is part of what is going on when I got the rejections from journals because my article belonged in a crim journal or when I got those rejections on the job market because I was or was not a criminologist. There is this sense that we belong somewhere else. And yet there is sometimes a perception (again, perhaps right or wrong) that you must choose. When I was a graduate student going on the job market and trying to decide what jobs to pursue, I was told by various sources that if I ever wanted a sociology job, I needed to start off in a sociology department; if I started off in a criminology job, I was "stuck" on that track (this was sometimes intended in the pejorative way it sounds). At least for me, this did not seem to be the case--I was able to interview for several sociology and criminology jobs after my first job in criminology at Florida State University and ultimately landed in sociology at the University of Toronto. Going back to my grad school experiences, I also received advice from a very nice leading criminologist that once you publish in a disciplinary journal, that also kind of locks you in (at the time, I'd only published in interdisciplinary journals (P&S and LSR). They'd said once you publish in a soc journal, you would not be attractive to crim departments, and vice/versa. Having been part of several searches in crim and soc, I don't think that is universally true, but it is interesting advice nonetheless. It's also possible that in the last several years, things have changed. I've certainly noticed a lot (relatively speaking) of sociology jobs looking for hires in their "criminology" subfield during the last few job markets. 

So these have been some of my experiences. But I've never had a very good sense about how representative my experiences have been. Not only did I come from an explicitly interdisciplinary program (with training explicitly in soc, poli sci, econ, philosophy, and history), but I also very much identify as an interdisciplinary scholar. I variously masquerade as an historian, a criminologist, and a sociologist. I mostly see myself as a law and society scholar, although, admittedly, I often feel on the margins of that field---it seems like we need to take extra steps to remind mainstream L&Sers why punishment matters as much as lawyers, courts, and disputing or legal mobilization, for example. Most of the time, I'm not entirely sure how to present myself, and I've definitely changed how I self-identify over time---and I sometimes strategically identify differently for different groups. Likewise, people label me in a variety of different ways, some of which I get really excited by (like when people call me an historian, because there I feel the least confident in my ability to make such a claim). 

Living in Canada has also put a new spin on this for me. Moving to Canada, and also having a stronger connection with British academics, very quickly helped me realize something that should have been obvious but for my #AmericanPrivilege, which is that sociology, criminology, law and society, and other fields look different in different countries. Not only are reigning methodologies and theories somewhat (and sometimes very) different, but they also have different identities. For example, some people in Canada see law and society as a subfield of criminology---something that I think most US scholars, whether criminologists, law and society scholars (esp. those studying the civil realm), and others would have a hard time agreeing with. 

Moving here also made these questions more urgent for me because I was officially hired within a sociology department as a criminologist slated to teach "Criminology, Law and Society" undergraduates. As part of my "portfolio," I was asked to teach criminological theory (i.e., causes of crime). Of course, I've never studied the theories of crime (my comp exam was actually in "criminal justice," the only crim option in my program and still something I had to fight for---or rather my advisors helped me fight for). I definitely felt like the wrong person to teach this class, but I was heartened by the fact that my colleagues who also taught the class weren't folks whose research really came from this area---they were, like me, punishment and society scholars, although they did have more training in criminology proper. I usually feel like a fraud teaching that class, but not for the whole time. Because I'm in Canada, and criminology is a bit different here, for about half the class we depart from what might be seen as mainstream US criminology and move more into critical criminology and punishment and society, both of which are essentially mainstream in Canadian criminology. 

So, given this variability---not just across disciplines but also across international norms about disciplines---I think I might be on the far side of the spectrum of interdisciplinarity and unsettled identity. To what extent does that shape my perceptions---and my advice to students and colleagues about framing themselves and their research? 

These questions have been forefront in my mind over the last year or so, and I finally decided rather than simply thinking about my own experiences, I should ask other people, in a somewhat systematic manner, what their experiences have been. So I did.

In late December and early January, I sent emails to several dozen scholars asking them to engage with this question: "Are you a criminologist or a sociologist?" (I explain my methodology in more detail below.) I started off with people who could easily be seen as both a criminologist and a sociologist. I wanted to focus on these two disciplines because criminology is very much (or at least is seen to be) an offshoot of sociology, even though it is an increasingly interdisciplinary discipline (see the UPenn crim department, for example). The soc v. crim distinction seems to be the strongest and most troubled, whereas I get the sense that the same is not true for historians or political scientists, although they have their own identity challenges. 

Many of the folks I contacted are self-identified Punishment and Society scholars, some would also or instead identify as Law and Society scholars, and plenty of the folks I contacted would identify with neither of those categories. I wanted a range of responses, not just limited to what will be typical for P&Sers. I also tried for various kinds of diversity in terms of research as well as demographics and national location. While I tried to balance my initial list, I also asked people I contacted to recommend others they thought I should contact, to ensure that I did not just replicate my own network.

I was really curious to see variation in responses: What did people think of the question? Did they take it seriously or think it odd? (Would some dismiss it as insipid naval gazing?) Did they seem enthusiastic? How did they respond substantively? While my response rate was not 100% (it was about 50%), I was heartened that a lot of people eagerly accepted my request to reflect on this question, as is clear from the number of responses following this introductory post. What is more: a lot of people (certainly not everyone) reported enjoying the process and/or finding it useful to think about. Indeed, a number pointed out that this was an important question (in general or for people in our subfield), echoing my own thoughts and motivations for assembling this post. Certainly, some also pointed out that the issues around labelling or thinking about your disciplinary identity is overdone and that the debates about who someone is or is not is somewhat silly; some have also been able to stay above the fray. 

Initially, my plan was to post a single blogpost with the responses embedded as extended quotations. However, because so many people were kind enough to contribute, and a lot of them took me up on my invitation to send in several pages, I've decided to present these responses as a part of a series of blog posts. Below, I list the contributors and hyperlink their names to their posts. (If you wish to read this in one sitting, I recommend right clicking on each link to open it in a series of tabs, or you can just go to the homepage for the blog and scroll down---the posts are not in a substantive order.) I anticipate receiving some more responses in the coming weeks, as some people were busy with the start of the semester, and I will update this list as they come in.

Before closing this post, I want to express my appreciation to everyone who took the time to write down their thoughts on this question. I am so grateful for the enthusiasm and generosity they showed. I believe this conversation will be a fruitful one, not only for P&S scholars to think about as a field, but also for scholars in other fields who face challenges relating to their interdisciplinarity. I also think it will be an important conversation for junior scholars---graduate students and early career researchers---to witness and take part of, since these tensions are not always made explicit and sometimes you learn the hard way. Finally, although I've mostly framed this discussion as a one of challenges and tensions, I hope this conversation also gives us all the chance to reflect on the benefits of and creativity enabled by interdisciplinary research---basically, it's worth it.


Contributors (with links to their posts)


Methodology

I initially asked 27 people. My goal was to try to balance gender as much as possible, but also get some international variation; variation in which departments people work in (mostly soc and crim, but also other types of departments); variation in PhD discipline (incl. those without a soc PhD who are working in soc departments); some variation in people who study just crime, just punishment, or both; and variation in career stage, starting with people in grad school who have jobs lined up all the way through to super well-established Big Name people. Then, at my request, these folks also recommended others for me to email (and sometimes I asked that group for recommendations, but between the repetition of names but also the growing number of respondents, I stopped asking for more recommendations). In total, I reached out to 40 people, and I received substantive responses from 20. (In terms of what type of selection bias we might see from this, I had a worse response rate from non-Punishment and Society folks, especially sociologically trained folks who are more squarely located in mainstream U.S. criminology. Interestingly, that has happened before; see Bosworth and Hoyle's Introduction to What is Criminology.)

One observation I had in the process of coming up with folks to contact was how many people I came up with as potentially useful respondents. I came up with a lot---even just limiting my focus to people at the boundaries of criminology and sociology. Meaning, I think this question of disciplinary labelling can be a broad issue that many folks in P&S, and beyond, face. (And then, of course, people came up with other names of folks they thought would also have interesting identity issues!) 

What did I actually ask people? In my email asking for participation in the form of contributing text for me to reproduce as part of this post, I explained: 
"The motivation for the piece is to explore the tensions surrounding how a person is labeled, particularly for those of us who could equally well be characterized as a criminologist, a sociologist, or a criminologist and a sociologist. For example, sometimes people are included or excluded on the basis of which label they use or others impose on them, whether this happens in the context of the job market, publication, or other opportunities like speaker series or field-level service. I'm interested in understanding what other people make of these tensions and how they navigate them. I think this post will resonate with a lot of punishment and society folks and seeing how other (especially successful) folks navigate these tensions should be potentially useful as people (especially junior people) seek to navigate these tensions on their own... I am intending for these questions (what you make of these tensions and how you navigate them) to be broad so you can take it in whatever direction makes sense to you, but I’m happy to elaborate if that would be helpful."
In terms of length, I gave people free range: a few sentences, a few paragraphs, a few pages---whatever they felt appropriate and felt like doing.

Finally, I gave folks the option to include their name or not---most said I could use their name, and only a few wished to keep it anonymous, so I include their responses as "Anonymous" with no other identifying information beyond what they provided in their response.

All responses are posted in their entirety and unchanged from their original submission (except sometimes some formatting things to fit with the blog page layout). 

Monday, December 3, 2018

Members' Publications: December 2018 Edition

As compiled by Katie Quinn:

RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS
December 2018

ARTICLES

Annison, H., Telford, M., & Boswell, J. (2018). Introduction: Interpreting penal policymaking special issue. The Howard Journal of Crime and Justice57(3), 295-301. DOI: 10.1111/hojo.12282 [Access it here]

Annison, H. (2018). Politics and penal change: Towards an interpretive political analysis of penal policymaking. The Howard Journal of Crime and Justice57(3), 302-320. DOI: 10.1111/hojo.12269 [Access it here]

Annison, H. (2018). The policymakers’ dilemma: change, continuity and enduring rationalities of English penal policy. British Journal of Criminology58(5), 1066-1086. DOI: 10.1093/bjc/azx066 [Access it here]

Annison, H. (2018). Tracing the Gordian knot: indeterminate-sentenced prisoners and the pathologies of English penal politics. The Political Quarterly, 1-9. DOI: 10.1111/1467-923X.12462 [Access it here]

Black, Lynsey. (2018) The pathologisation of women who kill: Three cases from Ireland, Social History of Medicine, DOI: doi.org/10.1093/shm/hky064 (Online First: 23 August 2018) [Access it here]

Burkhardt, Brett C. (2018 advance online). Does the Public Sector Respond to Private Competition? An Analysis of Privatization and Prison Performance. Journal of Crime and Justice. DOI: 10.1080/0735648X.2018.1497524.[Access ithere]

Burkhardt, Brett C. (2018 advance online). Contesting Market Rationality: Discursive Struggles over Prison Privatization. Punishment & Society. DOI: 10.1177/1462474517751665. [Access it here]

Corda, Alessandro. (2018). Beyond Totem and Taboo: Toward a Narrowing of American Criminal Record Exceptionalism, Federal Sentencing Reporter, 30(4-5), 241–251. [Access it here]

Corda, Alessandro. (2018). The Collateral Consequence Conundrum: Comparative Genealogy, Current Trends, and Future Scenarios, in Austin Sarat (ed.) After Imprisonment (Studies in Law, Politics and Society, Volume 77) Emerald Publishing Limited, pp.69 – 97. [Access it here]

Durand, Corentin. (2018). Un Bureau Derrière Les Barreaux. Travail Relationnel et Pouvoir Discrétionnaire Dans Les Audiences Pénitentiaires. [An Office Behind Bars: Relational Work and Discretionary Power in Prison Hearings.], Sociologie Du Travail, 60(3). [Access it here]

Lageson, Sarah. (2018). Policy Essay: The Politics of Public Punishment. Criminology & Public Policy 17(3), 635-642. [Access it here]

Page, Joshua and Philip Goodman. (2018) “Creative Disruption: Edward Bunker, Carceral Habitus, and the Criminological Value of Fiction.” Theoretical Criminology. [Online First: 19 April 2018] [Access it here]

Rubin, Ashley T., and Keramet Reiter. (2018). Continuity in the Face of Penal Innovation: Revisiting the History of American Solitary Confinement. Law & Social Inquiry,43(4), 1604-1632. [Access it here]

Savelsberg, Joachim J.(2018 online). Global Human Rights Organizations and National Patterns: Amnesty International's Representations of Darfur. Societies without Borders, 12(2). [Access it here]


BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS

De Giorgi, Alessandro. (2018). Punishment, Marxism, and Political Economy. In Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Criminology and Criminal Justice. Oxford University Press. [More information here]

Savelsberg, Joachim J. and Suzy McElrath. (2018). “Human Rights and Penal Policy.” Oxford Research Encyclopedia for Criminology and Criminal Justice. Oxford University Press. [More information here

Savelsberg, Joachim J.(2018). “Genocide and other Atrocity Crimes: Toward Remedies.” Agenda for Justice: Global Edition, edited by Glenn Muschert et al. Bristol, UK: Policy, pp. 111-120.

Rubin, Ashley T. (2018). Prison History. In Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Criminology and Criminal Justice. Ed. Henry Pontell. New York: Oxford University Press.[More information here]

Condry, Rachel and Peter Scharff Smith. (eds.) (2018) Prisons, Punishment, and the Family: Towards a New Sociology of Punishment? Oxford University Press 2018 [More informationhere]

Thursday, October 18, 2018

How do you explain punishment and society to your non-punishment colleagues?

Yesterday, a colleague asked me what exactly was punishment and society. I stopped for a moment to think because, while that's something I had a pat answer for in years past, I'm not sure that answer still holds today as the field as grown, matured, and diversified, as David Garland has recently described.

I used to say we look at why a given society or set of societies punishes in the way(s) it does. We might further add that our credo is examining the social, political, and economic factors---that is, things other than crime rates---that influence punishment. The other definition I can give is more vague and doesn't really say much about the field: we study punishment as a social institution or we study punishment from social science and humanistic perspectives. I also gave this definition to my colleague, but they did not find it useful, and I would agree---it says what we study, and some basic information about how we study it, but not really why we study it, what we're after.

Three caveats before moving on: I say crime rates, not perceptions of crime rates, because we know perceptions of crime rates are really important and that perceptions often have little to do with the actual rate of crime (e.g., Beckett 1997).

The second caveat is, at least as I (and a lot of other folks, but maybe not everyone) see it, punishment should be broadly construed. It doesn't have to be state authorized punishments---it can be things that in years past people called social control (but that has become unpopular recently for reasons I'm not yet aware of). In fact, there has been an explosion over the last ten or so years, really going back to about 2010, of people exploring non-punishment punishments---that is, things that many wouldn't call punishment because they are not formally/officially punishment but they sure feel like punishment to the people experiencing them (e.g., Beckett and Herbert 2010, Lynch and Hannah-Moffat 2011, Zedner 2015, Super 2017).

The final caveat is I'm defining the field intuitively rather than based on what's published in what journal. Probably most people who self-identify as P&S scholars publish in P&S, but not everyone who publishes in P&S self-identifies as a P&S scholar. Likewise, self-identified P&S scholars publish in a variety of other journals, including various disciplinary journals (e.g., ASR/AJS, ANNALs, Criminology, BJC, ANZJOC, TC) and interdisciplinary journals (LSR, LSI), among many others.

But in thinking about this intuitively, I'm also prioritizing my unique training, sets of preferences, and network. People in other countries, or in the same country but trained in a different department, or with different research interests may have different takes. Interestingly, there are a lot of people I would label as P&S scholars who don't seem to self-identify that way. (It's an interesting question to think about---how might you empirically define a field. L&S scholars writing review articles trying to identify the L&S "canon" have sometimes used surveys, syllabi, LSR articles, the most-cited articles. Others have suggested we should look at conference presentations. Still others have pointed out that most of these methods are pretty American-centric approaches. Methodologically and theoretically, it's a really interesting question, I think anyway.)

Getting back to these definitions.... Although my preferred definition (abbreviated as "what social factors cause punishment") sounds very macro, there is a greater variety in it than may at first appear. While some of the earliest studies were pitched at the macro level (Durkheim, Marxists, Foucault, Garland), there has been a lot of work at the micro level that still falls under this definition. For example, people who study the behavior of contemporary courts (Van Cleve, Koehler-Haussman) or policing behavior (Stuart) are looking at the micro-level, situational, and interactional factors, embedded in larger frameworks of politics, racial and gender hierarchies, and poverty, that shape penal policies and the experience of punishment---that is, the causes of punishment (and punishment-like experiences, even if they aren't formally punishment).

What gets left out?


But despite its flexibility, I'm not sure my definition (or perhaps characterization) holds anymore. A lot of P&S scholars study other things that are sometimes termed critical criminology and prison sociology. For example, the lineage that begins with Clemmer and Sykes and continues on to a number of scholars today doing prison ethnographies to understand the prison experience, mostly within a sociological tradition (or some would say criminological) tradition. It certainly seems like an affiliated subject and there is a lot of crossover (many of us do both P&S and prison sociology, if we're to refer to them separately, which perhaps we shouldn't). But particularly when looking at prison ethnographies as prisoners' reactions to their confinement (how I usually describe my work, for example) this seems a step removed from the question of what causes punishment. However, if we look at prisoners themselves as one of the causes of punishment (which takes more careful wording than I can muster without implying that prisoners are somehow responsible for their situation--not what I want to imply), along with their organizational setting and the role of the criminal justice actors and policies, then it would still fit. It's not so much about explaining formal policies of punishment and more about explaining the experience of punishment.

There might be even greater overlap with critical criminology in terms of the overall project of understanding penal trends and developments, if sometimes from a different epistemic or philosophical bent. However, despite the overlap, there seem to be a number of folks who identify as P&S scholars who would not self-identify as critical criminologists, and vice versa.

One area that is very likely (and problematically) excluded from this definition is one subset of what might be called the sociology of punishment. In this category, I'm thinking about the many scholars studying the consequences of punishment. (Of course, "sociology of punishment" is also too narrow as there are several notable political scientist studying the political ramifications of our penal trends for democracy generally and voting specifically. However, I've not heard anyone refer to the political science of punishment, while the politics of punishment seems to transcend the soc/poli sci boundary.) This area became really popular in the early 2000s with scholars looking at the consequences of mass incarceration and its associated policies on exacerbating inequality, particularly racial stratification, along class, education, income, employment, health, voting, and other basic facets of life (e.g., Pager 2003, Pettit and Western 2004, Wakefield and Uggen 2010). While you could argue this work has downstream consequences that increase people's chances of getting scooped up in the CJS net, the primary focus is on the consequences of punishment rather than the causes. I find this research super interesting, and don't want to exclude it, but it's an example of one of the limitations of my preferred definition or characterization of the field.

Finally, I want to mention a set of research that predates the rise of P&S as a recognizable area, which I do date back to the founding of P&S in 1999. That's the work by Stan Cohen in 1979 and 1985 on net widening and mesh thinning and the failure of progressive penal reform generally. This strikes me very much as a P&S project, but most folks working in this tradition (at least in the US) were in criminology departments. This is also around the same time as some early prison histories---Rothman (1971 and 1980), Ignatieff (1978), Foucault (1965 and 1977), Melossi and Pavarini (1981)---that were also pretty skeptical about reform. Interestingly, I'd put all of this in the P&S category---it's all about what causes punishment---in this case what causes penal reforms to fail, how penal reforms play out in practice, why punishment turns punitive despite apparent efforts to the contrary, all more specific versions of why a society punishes as it does. But these works all came out before we had something called "punishment and society."

Returning to the Field


Although I've not done a systematic review, it does seem like P&S the journal is becoming more big tent---this is a general trajectory of a lot of journals over time. For example, look at the diversity articles in LSR. This is not to say that either is as diverse as it could be---there are certain major gaps in theories, methods, topics, groups, and countries represented. But relative to their earlier days, it seems they are more diverse.

Consequently, again, it might be the case that the definition I used to give is too narrow to capture what might be better called the field of punishment studies---basically people studying punishment from various social science and humanistic perspectives. (To be more inclusive, I've started using this phrase, punishment studies, but it's still exclusive because of the focus on punishment, which people might interpret too literally as excluding, policing, legalization/criminalization, and social control more generally.) Of course, the (other) problem with this label and definition is it really doesn't get at what we do, what our goals are. It just says what we study, but not why. But perhaps in this larger, more developed field, there is no single, central research question---that might have been possible when it was a really small field, but maybe it's not any more, and perhaps a single underlying, broad research question is not desirable anyway.

Before ending, I do want to make clear that my goal here, in writing this post, is not to say who is in or who is out---my default reaction is we should always aim for a big tent. Instead, definitions are helpful; they are often imperfect and sound more objective than the blurry reality, but they are still informative, especially when used with a sense of caution.

So how do you describe punishment and society to your non-punishment colleagues? What's a broad definition or characterization that fits people who self-identify as punishment and society scholars? (And what's a better word than punishment that's more inclusive of people who study policing, regulations, non-punishment punishments, immigration, and other things that we do study and can learn from?) If your or your friends study punishment, but don't identify as a P&S scholar, why don't you/they?

Tuesday, August 28, 2018

Working List of Online Videos (Talks, Interviews)

Roundup from around YouTube and elsewhere:

Past P&S Digital Speaker Series 2018:

Sunday, April 29, 2018

Next Digital Speaker: Burton on "The Machinery of Demons: Crime and the Uncanny Mind in the Nineteenth Century"

Our fifth installment of the P&S CRN Digital Speaker Series will feature Chase Burton and his talk, "The Machinery of Demons: Crime and the Uncanny Mind in the Nineteenth Century" on Wednesday, May 16 at 12:30 EST. We will send out a link to the talk a little before the talk, which will stream live on YouTube. We hope you all can make it!  

Punishment & Society CRN Digital Speaker Series
 
Wednesday, May 16 at 12:30 EST
(Instructions for watching the talk online forthcoming)
 
Chase Burton, UC Berkeley 
 
The Machinery of Demons: Crime and the Uncanny Mind in the Nineteenth Century 

This talk shares an excerpt from my dissertation project on American criminology in the nineteenth century and the ways in early proto-scientific writing about crime drew on literary forms and images for coherence. I will try to sketch out a history of obsession, which emerged in the early nineteenth century as a way of talking about the uncanny irrational: the pieces of superstition, fear and lack of control that should have been conquered by Enlightenment rationality, but constantly re-emerged. Obsession provided a frame for the American reinterpretation and extension of monomania theory, which then fractured and was rearticulated into single issue diagnoses (pyromania, kleptomania) that in turn became indicators of non-hereditary degeneracy in the first prominent US eugenic theories of criminology advanced by W. Duncan McKim and D. A. Gorton. The goal is thus both to draw attention to often-overlooked yet influential figures in the intellectual history of American criminology, and to show how early twentieth century eugenic theory was built on references to and extensions of Gothic tropes and imagery. 


Sent on behalf of the P&S Digital Speaker Series Committee 
(Sarah Lageson, Rose Ricciardelli, and Ashley Rubin)

If you would like to present your work through the speaker series or join the organizing committee, please email us!

Saturday, April 7, 2018

Members' Publications

As compiled by Miltonette Craig:

RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS
February 2017

ARTICLES

Black, Lynsey. (2017). “On the Other Hand the Accused Is a Woman…”: Women and the Death Penalty in Post-Independence Ireland. Law and History Review. DOI: 10.1017/S0738248017000542. [Access it here]

Burkhardt, Brett C. (2018). Contesting Market Rationality: Discursive Struggles over Prison Privatization. Punishment & Society. DOI: 10.1177/1462474517751665.[Access it here]

Cooper, Jessica. (2017). Trapped: The Limits of Care in California’s Mental Health Courts. Social Justice44(1), 121-141. [Access it here]

Garland, David. (2018). Theoretical Advances and Problems in the Sociology of Punishment. Punishment & Society,20(1), 8-33.[Access it here]

Gibson-Light, Michael. (Forthcoming). Ramen Politics: Informal Money and Logics of Resistance in the Contemporary American Prison. Qualitative Sociology.

Kerrison, Erin M. (2018). Risky Business, Risk Assessment, and Other Heteronormative Misnomers in Women’s Community Corrections and Reentry Planning. Punishment & Society20(1), 134-151.[Access it here]

Lageson, Sarah, & Shadd Maruna. (2018). Digital Degradation: Stigma Management in the Internet Age. Punishment & Society20(1), 113-133. [Access it here]

Reiter, Keramet, Lori Sexton, & Jennifer Sumner. (2018). Theoretical and Empirical Limits of Scandinavian Exceptionalism: Isolation and Normalization in Danish Prisons. Punishment & Society20(1), 92-112.
[Access it here]

Savelsberg, Joachim J. (2018). Punitive Turn and Justice Cascade: Mutual Inspiration from Punishment & Society and Human Rights Literatures. Punishment & Society20(1), 73-91. [Access it here]


BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS/REPORTS
Gibson-Light, Michael. (2017). “Classification Struggles in Semi-Formal and Precarious Work: Lessons from Inmate Labor and Cultural Production.” In Arne L. Kalleberg & Steven P. Vallas (Eds.), Precarious Work: Research in the Sociology of Work(pp. 61-89). Bradford, UK: Emerald Publishing [More information here]

Longazel, Jamie. (2018). “Racing the Oven Bird: Criminalization, Rightlessness, and the Politics of Immigration.” In Mary Nell Trautner (Ed.), Insiders, Outsiders, Injuries, & Law: Revisiting “The Oven Bird’s Song”(pp. 161-180). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. [More information here]

Phelps, Michelle S. (2018). “Mass Probation and Inequality: Race, Class, and Gender Disparities in Supervision and Revocation.” In Jeffrey T. Ulmer and Mindy Bradley (Eds.), Handbook on Punishment Decisions: Locations of Disparity (pp. 43-66). New York, NY: Routledge. [Access it here; More information here]

Savelsberg, Joachim J. (2018). “Criminology in the United States: Contexts, Institutions, and Knowledge in Flux.” In Ruth Ann Triplett (Ed.), The Wiley Handbook of the History and Philosophy of Criminology (pp. 437-452). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell. [More information here]

Unger, Matthew P., JeanPhilippe Crete, & George Pavlich. (2018). “Criminal Entryways in the Writing of Cesare Beccaria.” In Ruth Ann Triplett (Ed.), The Wiley Handbook of the History and Philosophy of Criminology (pp. 13-31). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell. [More information here]

van Zyl Smit, Dirk, & Alessandro Corda. (2017). “American Exceptionalism in Parole Release and Supervision: A European Perspective.” In Kevin R. Reitz (Ed.), American Exceptionalism in Crime and Punishment(pp. 410-486). New York, NY: Oxford University Press.[More information here]



RECENTLY PUBLISHED WORKS
April 2018

ARTICLES

Aiello, Brittnie, & Jill McCorkel. (2017). “It Will Crush You Like a Bug”: Maternal Incarceration, Secondary Prisonization, and Children’s Visitation. Punishment & Society. DOI: 10.1177/1462474517697295. [Access it here]

Carlson, Jennifer. (2018). Legally Armed but Presumed Dangerous: An Intersectional Analysis of Gun Carry Licensing as a Racial/Gender Degradation Ceremony. Gender & Society32(2), 204-227. [Access it here]

Cooper, Jessica. Unruly Affects: Attempts at Control and All That Escapes from an American Mental Health Court. Cultural Anthropology33(1), 85-108. [Access it here

Crewe, B., Susie Hulley, & Serena Wright. (2017). “The Gendered Pains of Imprisonment.” British Journal of Criminology. DOI: 10.1093/bjc/azw088. [Access it here]

Hancock, Black Hawk, Bryan L. Sykes, & Anjuli Verma. (2018). The Problem of “Cameo Appearances” in Mixed-Methods Research: Implications for 21st-Century Ethnography. Sociological Perspectives,61(2), 314-334. [Access it here]

Hannah-Moffat, Kelly. (2018). Algorithmic Risk Governance: Big Data Analytics, Race and Information Activism in Criminal Justice Debates. Theoretical Criminology. DOI: 10.1177/1362480618763582. [Access it here]

Jiang, Jize. (2018, Forthcoming). Book Review: Breaking the Pendulum: The Long Struggle over Criminal Justice, by Philip Goodman, Joshua Page, and Michelle Phelps. Social & Legal Studies.

Jiang, Jize. (2018, In Press). Book Review: Nordic Nationalism and Penal Order: Walling the Welfare State, by Vanessa Barker. Theoretical Criminology

McCorkel, Jill. (2017). The Second Coming: Gender, Profit, and Carceral Drug Treatment. Journal of Contemporary Drug Problems44(4), 286-300. [Access it here]

Phelps, Michelle S. (2017). Discourses of Mass Probation: From Managing Risk to Ending Human Warehousing in Michigan. British Journal of Criminology. DOI: 10.1093/bjc/azx077. [Access it here]

Russell, Emma K. (2018). Punishment in a “Tolerant Society”: Interrogating Hate Crime Law Reform Discourse. Griffith Law Review26(3), 315-333. [Access it here]

Schept, Judah. (2018). Book Review: Big House on the Prairie: Rise of the Rural Ghetto and Prison Proliferation, by John Eason. Punishment & Society. DOI: 10.1177/1462474518756596. [Access it here]

BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS/EDITED COLLECTIONS

Aviram, Hadar. (2018). “Gray is the New Orange: Older, Infirm Female Inmates and the Liminal Space between Human and Animal.” In Shirley A. Jackson & Laurie Gordy (Eds.), Caged Women: Incarceration, Representation, & Media. New York, NY: Routledge. [More information here]

Craig, Miltonette. (2018). “Education behind Bars: What Orange is the New BlackNeglects.” In Shirley A. Jackson & Laurie Gordy (Eds.), Caged Women: Incarceration, Representation, & Media. New York, NY: Routledge. [More information here]

Garland, David. (2018 Edition). Punishment and Welfare: A History of Penal Strategies. New Orleans, LA: Quid Pro Books. [More information here]

Kinney, Edith. (2018). “The Prison within the Prison: Solitary Confinement in Orange is the New Black.” In Shirley A. Jackson & Laurie Gordy (Eds.), Caged Women: Incarceration, Representation, & Media. New York, NY: Routledge. [More information here]

Schoenfeld, Heather. (2018). Building the Prison State: Race and the Politics of Mass Incarceration. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.





If you would like your recently published book or article to be included in the next digest,
please send your citation information to Miltonette Craig (mocraig@fsu.edu) by May 31.

Wednesday, January 31, 2018

Next Digital Speaker Series: Cox on "Trapped in a Vice: The Consequences of Confinement for Young People”

Punishment & Society CRN Digital Speaker Series

Thursday, February 22, 12:30-2:00 EST
(YouTube link will be sent out shortly before the talk begins)

Alexandra Cox, University of Essex

Trapped in a Vice:
The Consequences of Confinement for Young People


This talk will share the findings of a book, Trapped in a Vice: the Consequences of Confinement for Young People, which explores the consequences of a juvenile justice system that is aimed at promoting change in the lives of young people, yet ultimately relies upon tools and strategies that enmesh them in a system that they struggle to move beyond.  The system, rather than the crimes themselves, is the vice.  It also acts as a vise in the lives of young people, pushing young people to change through the use of intensive interventions and services, but also pulling them away from meaningful opportunities for growth and development. The book explores the lives of the young people and adults in New York’s justice system, revealing the ways that they struggle to manage the expectations of that system; these stories from the ground level of the justice system reveal the complex exchange of policy and practice.

If you are interested in presenting your work sometime this year, please email us!